| The theologian Karl Barth once said, "To clasp the hands in prayer is
the beginning of an uprising against the disorder of the world." That
saying comes to mind as the election approaches and I hear more lectures
about how Roman Catholics must not "impose their beliefs on society" or
warnings about the need for "the separation of church and state." These
are two of the emptiest slogans in current American politics, intended
to discourage serious debate. No one in mainstream American politics
wants a theocracy. Nor does anyone doubt the importance of morality in
public life. Therefore, we should recognize these slogans for what they
are: frequently dishonest and ultimately dangerous sound bites.
Lawmaking inevitably involves some group imposing its beliefs on the
rest of us. That's the nature of the democratic process. If we say that
we "ought" to do something, we are making a moral judgment. When our
legislators turn that judgment into law, somebody's ought becomes a
"must" for the whole of society. This is not inherently dangerous; it's
how pluralism works.
Democracy depends on people of conviction expressing their views,
confidently and without embarrassment. This give-and-take is an American
tradition, and religious believers play a vital role in it. We don't
serve our country
—
in fact we weaken it intellectually
—
if we downplay our principles or fail to speak forcefully out of some
misguided sense of good manners.
People who support permissive abortion laws have no qualms about
imposing their views on society. Often working against popular opinion,
they have tried to block any effort to change permissive abortion laws
since the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. That's fair.
That's their right. But why should the rules of engagement be different
for citizens who oppose those laws?
Catholics have an obligation to work for the common good and the
dignity of every person. We see abortion as a matter of civil rights and
human dignity, not simply as a matter of religious teaching. We are
doubly unfaithful
—
both to our religious convictions and to our democratic responsibilities
—
if we fail to support the right to life of the unborn child. Our duties
to social justice by no means end there. But they do always begin there,
because the right to life is foundational.
For Catholics to take a "pro-choice" view toward abortion contradicts
our identity and makes us complicit in how the choice plays out. The
"choice" in abortion always involves the choice to end the life of an
unborn human being. For anyone who sees this fact clearly, neutrality,
silence or private disapproval are not options. They are evils almost as
grave as abortion itself. If religious believers do not advance their
convictions about public morality in public debate, they are
demonstrating not tolerance but cowardice.
The civil order has its own sphere of responsibility, and its own
proper autonomy, apart from the church or any other religious community.
But civil authorities are never exempt from moral engagement and
criticism, either from the church or its members. The founders
themselves realized this.
The founders sought to prevent the establishment of an official state
church. Given America's history of anti-Catholic nativism, Catholics
strongly support the Constitution's approach to religious freedom. But
the Constitution does not, nor was it ever intended to, prohibit people
or communities of faith from playing an active role in public life.
Exiling religion from civic debate separates government from morality
and citizens from their consciences. That road leads to politics without
character, now a national epidemic.
Words are cheap. Actions matter. If we believe in the sanctity of
life from conception to natural death, we need to prove that by our
actions, including our political choices. Anything less leads to the
corruption of our integrity. Patriotism, which is a virtue for people of
all faiths, requires that we fight, ethically and nonviolently, for what
we believe. Claiming that "we don't want to impose our beliefs on
society" is not merely politically convenient; it is morally incoherent
and irresponsible.
As James 2:17 reminds us, in a passage quoted in the final
presidential debate, "Faith without works is dead." It is a valid point.
People should act on what they claim to believe. Otherwise they are
violating their own conscience, and lying to themselves and the rest of
us.
Published in the New York Times, 22 October 2004.
Reprinted here with permission from the Archdiocese of Denver.
|