| DOCTRINAL NOTE on some questions regarding THE
PARTICIPATION OF CATHOLICS IN POLITICAL LIFE
The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, having received the opinion of
the Pontifical Council for the Laity, has decided that it would be appropriate
to publish the present Doctrinal Note on some questions regarding the
participation of Catholics in political life. This Note is directed to
the Bishops of the Catholic Church and, in a particular way, to Catholic
politicians and all lay members of the faithful called to participate in the
political life of democratic societies.
I. A constant teaching
1. The commitment of Christians
in the world has found a variety of expressions in the course of the past 2000
years. One such expression has been Christian involvement in political
life: Christians, as one Early Church writer stated,"play their full role as
citizens".[1] Among
the saints, the Church venerates many men and women who served God through their
generous commitment to politics and government. Among these, Saint Thomas
More, who was proclaimed Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, gave witness by
his martyrdom to "the inalienable dignity of the human conscience".[2] Though
subjected to various forms of psychological pressure, Saint Thomas More refused
to compromise, never forsaking the "constant fidelity to legitimate authority
and institutions» which distinguished him; he taught by his life and his death
that "man cannot be separated from God, nor politics from morality".[3]
It is commendable that in today’s democratic societies, in a climate of true
freedom, everyone is made a participant in directing the body politic.[4] Such
societies call for new and fuller forms of participation in public life by
Christian and non-Christian citizens alike. Indeed, all can contribute, by
voting in elections for lawmakers and government officials, and in other ways as
well, to the development of political solutions and legislative choices which,
in their opinion, will benefit the common good.[5] The
life of a democracy could not be productive without the active, responsible and
generous involvement of everyone, "albeit in a diversity and complementarity of
forms, levels, tasks, and responsibilities".[6]
By fulfilling their civic duties, "guided by a Christian
conscience",[7]
in conformity with its values, the lay faithful exercise their proper task of
infusing the temporal order with Christian values, all the while respecting the
nature and rightful autonomy of that order,[8]
and cooperating with other citizens according to their particular competence and
responsibility.[9] The
consequence of this fundamental teaching of the Second Vatican Council is that "the lay faithful are never to relinquish their participation in ‘public
life’, that is, in the many different economic, social, legislative,
administrative and cultural areas, which are intended to promote organically and
institutionally the common good".[10] This
would include the promotion and defence of goods such as public order and peace,
freedom and equality, respect for human life and for the environment, justice
and solidarity.
The present Note does not seek to set out the entire teaching of the
Church on this matter, which is summarized in its essentials in the Catechism
of the Catholic Church, but intends only to recall some principles proper to
the Christian conscience, which inspire the social and political involvement of
Catholics in democratic societies.[11] The
emergence of ambiguities or questionable positions in recent times, often
because of the pressure of world events, has made it necessary to clarify some
important elements of Church teaching in this area.
II. Central points in the current cultural and political debate
2. Civil society today is undergoing a complex cultural process as the end of an
era brings with it a time of uncertainty in the face of something new. The
great strides made in our time give evidence of humanity’s progress in
attaining conditions of life which are more in keeping with human dignity. The
growth in the sense of responsibility towards countries still on the path of
development is without doubt an important sign, illustrative of a greater
sensitivity to the common good. At the same time, however, one cannot close
one’s eyes to the real dangers which certain tendencies in society are
promoting through legislation, nor can one ignore the effects this will have on
future generations.
A kind of cultural relativism exists today, evident in the conceptualization and
defence of an ethical pluralism, which sanctions the decadence and
disintegration of reason and the principles of the natural moral law. Furthermore,
it is not unusual to hear the opinion expressed in the public sphere that such
ethical pluralism is the very condition for democracy.[12] As
a result, citizens claim complete autonomy with regard to their moral choices,
and lawmakers maintain that they are respecting this freedom of choice by
enacting laws which ignore the principles of natural ethics and yield to
ephemeral cultural and moral trends,[13]
as if every possible outlook on life were of equal value. At the same time,
the value of tolerance is disingenuously invoked when a large number of
citizens, Catholics among them, are asked not to base their contribution to
society and political life – through the legitimate means available to
everyone in a democracy – on their particular understanding of the human
person and the common good. The history of the twentieth century
demonstrates that those citizens were right who recognized the falsehood of
relativism, and with it, the notion that there is no moral law rooted in the
nature of the human person, which must govern our understanding of man, the
common good and the state.
3. Such relativism, of course, has nothing to do with the legitimate
freedom of Catholic citizens to choose among the various political opinions that
are compatible with faith and the natural moral law, and to select, according to
their own criteria, what best corresponds to the needs of the common good. Political
freedom is not – and cannot be – based upon the relativistic idea that all
conceptions of the human person’s good have the same value and truth, but
rather, on the fact that politics are concerned with very concrete realizations
of the true human and social good in given historical, geographic, economic,
technological and cultural contexts. From the specificity of the task at
hand and the variety of circumstances, a plurality of morally acceptable
policies and solutions arises. It is not the Church’s task to set forth
specific political solutions – and even less to propose a single solution as
the acceptable one – to temporal questions that God has left to the free and
responsible judgment of each person. It is, however, the Church’s right
and duty to provide a moral judgment on temporal matters when this is required
by faith or the moral law.[14] If
Christians must "recognize the legitimacy of differing points of view about the
organization of worldly affairs",[15]
they are also called to reject, as injurious to democratic life, a conception of
pluralism that reflects moral relativism. Democracy must be based on the
true and solid foundation of non-negotiable ethical principles, which are the
underpinning of life in society.
On the level of concrete political action, there can generally be a plurality of
political parties in which Catholics may exercise – especially through
legislative assemblies – their right and duty to contribute to the public life
of their country.[16] This
arises because of the contingent nature of certain choices regarding the
ordering of society, the variety of strategies available for accomplishing or
guaranteeing the same fundamental value, the possibility of different
interpretations of the basic principles of political theory, and the technical
complexity of many political problems. It should not be confused, however,
with an ambiguous pluralism in the choice of moral principles or essential
values. The legitimate plurality of temporal options is at the origin of
the commitment of Catholics to politics and relates directly to Christian moral
and social teaching. It is in the light of this teaching that lay Catholics
must assess their participation in political life so as to be sure that it is
marked by a coherent responsibility for temporal reality.
The Church recognizes that while democracy is the best expression of the direct
participation of citizens in political choices, it succeeds only to the extent
that it is based on a correct understanding of the human person.[17] Catholic
involvement in political life cannot compromise on this principle, for otherwise
the witness of the Christian faith in the world, as well as the unity and
interior coherence of the faithful, would be non-existent. The democratic
structures on which the modern state is based would be quite fragile were its
foundation not the centrality of the human person. It is respect for the
person that makes democratic participation possible. As the Second Vatican
Council teaches, the protection of "the rights of the person is, indeed, a
necessary condition for citizens, individually and collectively, to play an
active part in public life and administration".[18]
4. The complex array of today’s problems branches out from here, including
some never faced by past generations. Scientific progress has resulted in
advances that are unsettling for the consciences of men and women and call for
solutions that respect ethical principles in a coherent and fundamental way. At
the same time, legislative proposals are put forward which, heedless of the
consequences for the existence and future of human beings with regard to the
formation of culture and social behaviour, attack the very inviolability of
human life. Catholics, in this difficult situation, have the right and the
duty to recall society to a deeper understanding of human life and to the
responsibility of everyone in this regard. John Paul II, continuing the
constant teaching of the Church, has reiterated many times that those who are
directly involved in lawmaking bodies have a "grave and clear obligation to
oppose" any law that attacks human life. For them, as for every
Catholic, it is impossible to promote such laws or to vote for them.[19] As
John Paul II has taught in his Encyclical Letter Evangelium vitae
regarding the situation in which it is not possible to overturn or completely
repeal a law allowing abortion which is already in force or coming up for a
vote, "an elected official, whose absolute personal opposition to procured
abortion was well known, could licitly support proposals aimed at limiting
the harm done by such a law and at lessening its negative consequences at
the level of general opinion and public morality".[20]
In this context, it must be noted also that a well-formed Christian conscience
does not permit one to vote for a political program or an individual law which
contradicts the fundamental contents of faith and morals. The Christian
faith is an integral unity, and thus it is incoherent to isolate some particular
element to the detriment of the whole of Catholic doctrine. A political
commitment to a single isolated aspect of the Church’s social doctrine does
not exhaust one’s responsibility towards the common good. Nor can a
Catholic think of delegating his Christian responsibility to others; rather, the
Gospel of Jesus Christ gives him this task, so that the truth about man and the
world might be proclaimed and put into action.
When political activity comes up against moral principles that do not admit of
exception, compromise or derogation, the Catholic commitment becomes more
evident and laden with responsibility. In the face of fundamental and
inalienable ethical demands, Christians must recognize that what is at stake
is the essence of the moral law, which concerns the integral good of the human
person. This is the case with laws concerning abortion and euthanasia
(not to be confused with the decision to forgo extraordinary treatments,
which is morally legitimate). Such laws must defend the basic right to life
from conception to natural death. In the same way, it is necessary to
recall the duty to respect and protect the rights of the human embryo. Analogously,
the family needs to be safeguarded and promoted, based on monogamous
marriage between a man and a woman, and protected in its unity and stability in
the face of modern laws on divorce: in no way can other forms of cohabitation be
placed on the same level as marriage, nor can they receive legal recognition as
such. The same is true for the freedom of parents regarding the education
of their children; it is an inalienable right recognized also by the Universal
Declaration on Human Rights. In the same way, one must consider society’s
protection of minors and freedom from modern forms of slavery (drug
abuse and prostitution, for example). In addition, there is the right to religious
freedom and the development of an economy that is at the service of
the human person and of the common good, with respect for social justice, the
principles of human solidarity and subsidiarity, according to which "the
rights of all individuals, families, and organizations and their practical
implementation must be acknowledged".[21] Finally,
the question of peace must be mentioned. Certain pacifistic and
ideological visions tend at times to secularize the value of peace, while, in
other cases, there is the problem of summary ethical judgments which forget the
complexity of the issues involved. Peace is always "the work of justice
and the effect of charity".[22] It
demands the absolute and radical rejection of violence and terrorism and
requires a constant and vigilant commitment on the part of all political
leaders.
III. Principles of Catholic doctrine on the autonomy of the temporal order and
on pluralism.
5. While a plurality of methodologies reflective of different sensibilities
and cultures can be legitimate in approaching such questions, no Catholic can
appeal to the principle of pluralism or to the autonomy of lay involvement in
political life to support policies affecting the common good which
compromise or undermine fundamental ethical requirements. This is not a
question of "confessional values" per se, because such ethical precepts
are rooted in human nature itself and belong to the natural moral law. They
do not require from those who defend them the profession of the Christian faith,
although the Church’s teaching confirms and defends them always and everywhere
as part of her service to the truth about man and about the common good of civil
society. Moreover, it cannot be denied that politics must refer to
principles of absolute value precisely because these are at the service of the
dignity of the human person and of true human progress.
6. The appeal often made to "the rightful
autonomy of the participation of lay Catholics" in politics needs to be clarified. Promoting the common
good of society, according to one’s conscience, has nothing to do with "confessionalism"
or religious intolerance. For Catholic moral doctrine, the rightful
autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church
– but not from that of morality – is a value that has been attained
and recognized by the Catholic Church and belongs to inheritance of contemporary
civilization.[23] John
Paul II has warned many times of the dangers which follow from confusion between
the religious and political spheres. "Extremely sensitive situations arise
when a specifically religious norm becomes or tends to become the law of a state
without due consideration for the distinction between the domains proper to
religion and to political society. In practice, the identification of
religious law with civil law can stifle religious freedom, even going so far as
to restrict or deny other inalienable human rights".[24] All
the faithful are well aware that specifically religious activities (such as the
profession of faith, worship, administration of sacraments, theological
doctrines, interchange between religious authorities and the members of
religions) are outside the state’s responsibility. The state must not
interfere, nor in any way require or prohibit these activities, except when it
is a question of public order. The recognition of civil and political
rights, as well as the allocation of public services may not be made dependent
upon citizens’ religious convictions or activities.
The right and duty of Catholics and all citizens to seek the truth with
sincerity and to promote and defend, by legitimate means, moral truths
concerning society, justice, freedom, respect for human life and the other
rights of the person, is something quite different. The fact that some of
these truths may also be taught by the Church does not lessen the political
legitimacy or the rightful "autonomy" of the contribution of those citizens
who are committed to them, irrespective of the role that reasoned inquiry or
confirmation by the Christian faith may have played in recognizing such truths. Such
"autonomy" refers first of all to the attitude of the person who respects the
truths that derive from natural knowledge regarding man’s life in society,
even if such truths may also be taught by a specific religion, because truth is
one. It would be a mistake to confuse the proper autonomy exercised
by Catholics in political life with the claim of a principle that prescinds from
the moral and social teaching of the Church.
By its interventions in this area, the Church’s Magisterium does not wish to
exercise political power or eliminate the freedom of opinion of Catholics
regarding contingent questions. Instead, it intends – as is its proper
function – to instruct and illuminate the consciences of the faithful,
particularly those involved in political life, so that their actions may always
serve the integral promotion of the human person and the common good. The
social doctrine of the Church is not an intrusion into the government of
individual countries. It is a question of the lay Catholic’s duty to be
morally coherent, found within one’s conscience, which is one and indivisible. "There
cannot be two parallel lives in their existence: on the one hand, the so-called
‘spiritual life’, with its values and demands; and on the other, the
so-called ‘secular’ life, that is, life in a family, at work, in social
responsibilities, in the responsibilities of public life and in culture. The
branch, engrafted to the vine which is Christ, bears its fruit in every sphere
of existence and activity. In fact, every area of the lay faithful’s
lives, as different as they are, enters into the plan of God, who desires that
these very areas be the ‘places in time’ where the love of Christ is
revealed and realized for both the glory of the Father and service of others. Every
activity, every situation, every precise responsibility – as, for example,
skill and solidarity in work, love and dedication in the family and the
education of children, service to society and public life and the promotion of
truth in the area of culture – are the occasions ordained by providence for a
‘continuous exercise of faith, hope and charity’ (Apostolicam
actuositatem, 4)".[25] Living
and acting in conformity with one’s own conscience on questions of politics is
not slavish acceptance of positions alien to politics or some kind of
confessionalism, but rather the way in which Christians offer their concrete
contribution so that, through political life, society will become more just and
more consistent with the dignity of the human person.
In democratic societies, all proposals are freely discussed and examined. Those
who, on the basis of respect for individual conscience, would view the moral
duty of Christians to act according to their conscience as something that
disqualifies them from political life, denying the legitimacy of their political
involvement following from their convictions about the common good, would be
guilty of a form of intolerant secularism. Such a position would
seek to deny not only any engagement of Christianity in public or political
life, but even the possibility of natural ethics itself. Were this the
case, the road would be open to moral anarchy, which would be anything but
legitimate pluralism. The oppression of the weak by the strong would be the
obvious consequence. The marginalization of Christianity, moreover, would
not bode well for the future of society or for consensus among peoples; indeed,
it would threaten the very spiritual and cultural foundations of civilization.[26]
IV. Considerations regarding particular aspects
7. In recent years, there have been cases within some organizations founded on
Catholic principles, in which support has been given to political forces or
movements with positions contrary to the moral and social teaching of the Church
on fundamental ethical questions. Such activities, in contradiction to
basic principles of Christian conscience, are not compatible with membership in
organizations or associations which define themselves as Catholic. Similarly,
some Catholic periodicals in certain countries have expressed perspectives on
political choices that have been ambiguous or incorrect, by misinterpreting the
idea of the political autonomy enjoyed by Catholics and by not taking into
consideration the principles mentioned above.
Faith in Jesus Christ, who is "the way, the truth, and the
life" (Jn
14:6), calls Christians to exert a greater effort in building a culture which,
inspired by the Gospel, will reclaim the values and contents of the Catholic
Tradition. The presentation of the fruits of the spiritual, intellectual
and moral heritage of Catholicism in terms understandable to modern culture is a
task of great urgency today, in order to avoid also a kind of Catholic cultural
diaspora. Furthermore, the cultural achievements and mature experience of
Catholics in political life in various countries, especially since the Second
World War, do not permit any kind of ‘inferiority complex’ in comparison
with political programs which recent history has revealed to be weak or totally
ruinous. It is insufficient and reductive to think that the commitment of
Catholics in society can be limited to a simple transformation of structures,
because if at the basic level there is no culture capable of receiving,
justifying and putting into practice positions deriving from faith and morals,
the changes will always rest on a weak foundation.
Christian faith has never presumed to impose a rigid framework on social and
political questions, conscious that the historical dimension requires men and
women to live in imperfect situations, which are also susceptible to rapid
change. For this reason, Christians must reject political positions and
activities inspired by a utopian perspective which, turning the tradition of
Biblical faith into a kind of prophetic vision without God, makes ill use of
religion by directing consciences towards a hope which is merely earthly and
which empties or reinterprets the Christian striving towards eternal life.
At the same time, the Church teaches that authentic freedom does not exist
without the truth. "Truth and freedom either go together hand in hand or
together they perish in misery".[27] In
a society in which truth is neither mentioned nor sought, every form of
authentic exercise of freedom will be weakened, opening the way to libertine and
individualistic distortions and undermining the protection of the good of the
human person and of the entire society.
8. In this regard, it is helpful to recall a truth which today is often not
perceived or formulated correctly in public opinion: the right to freedom of
conscience and, in a special way, to religious freedom, taught in the
Declaration Dignitatis humanae of the Second Vatican Council, is based on
the ontological dignity of the human person and not on a non-existent equality
among religions or cultural systems of human creation.[28] Reflecting
on this question, Paul VI taught that "in no way does the Council base this
right to religious freedom on the fact that all religions and all teachings,
including those that are erroneous, would have more or less equal value; it is
based rather on the dignity of the human person, which demands that he not be
subjected to external limitations which tend to constrain the conscience in its
search for the true religion or in adhering to it".[29] The
teaching on freedom of conscience and on religious freedom does not therefore
contradict the condemnation of indifferentism and religious relativism by
Catholic doctrine;[30]
on the contrary, it is fully in accord with it.
V. Conclusion
9. The principles contained in the present Note are intended to shed
light on one of the most important aspects of the unity of Christian life:
coherence between faith and life, Gospel and culture, as recalled by the Second
Vatican Council. The Council exhorted Christians "to fulfill their duties
faithfully in the spirit of the Gospel. It is a mistake to think that,
because we have here no lasting city, but seek the city which is to come, we are
entitled to shirk our earthly responsibilities; this is to forget that by our
faith we are bound all the more to fulfill these responsibilities according to
the vocation of each... May Christians...be proud of the opportunity to
carry out their earthly activity in such a way as to integrate human, domestic,
professional, scientific and technical enterprises with religious values, under
whose supreme direction all things are ordered to the glory of God".[31]
The Sovereign Pontiff John Paul II, in the Audience of November 21, 2002,
approved the present Note, adopted in the Plenary Session of this Congregation,
and ordered its publication.
Rome, from the Offices of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith,
November 24, 2002, the Solemnity of Christ the King.
Joseph Card. RATZINGER Prefect
Tarcisio BERTONE, S.D.B. Archbishop Emeritus of Vercelli Secretary
NOTES
[1]
Letter to Diognetus, 5,5; Cf. Catechism of the Catholic Church,
No. 2240.
[2]
John Paul II, Apostolic Letter Motu Proprio Proclaiming Saint Thomas More
Patron of Statesmen and Politicians, 1: AAS 93 (2001), 76.
[3]
Ibid., 4.
[4]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 31; Catechism
of the Catholic Church, No. 1915.
[5]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 75.
[6]
John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation, Christifideles laici, 42: AAS
81 (1989), 472. The present doctrinal Note refers to the involvement
in political life of lay members of the faithful. The Bishops of the Church
have the right and the duty to set out the moral principles relating to the
social order; "Nevertheless active participation in political parties is
reserved to the lay faithful" (ibid., 60). Cf. Congregation for the
Clergy, Directory for the Ministry and Life of Priests (March 31, 1994),
33.
[7]
Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 76.
[8]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 36.
[9]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Decree Apostolicam actuositatem, 7; Dogmatic
Constitution Lumen gentium, 36; Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes,
31 and 43.
[10]
John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles laici, 42.
[11]
In the last two centuries, the Papal Magisterium has spoken on the principal
questions regarding the social and political order. Cf. Leo XIII,
Encyclical Letter Diuturnum illud: ASS 14 (1881–1882), 4 ff;
Encyclical Letter Immortale Dei: ASS 18 (1885–1886), 162ff;
Encyclical Letter Libertas præstantissimum: ASS 20 (1887–1888),
593ff; Encyclical Letter Rerum novarum: ASS 23 (1890–1891),
643ff; Benedict XV, Encyclical Letter Pacem Dei munus pulcherrimum: AAS
12 (1920), 209ff; Pius XI, Encyclical Letter Quadragesimo anno: AAS
23 (1931), 190ff; Encyclical Letter Mit brennender Sorge: AAS 29
(1937), 145–167; Encyclical Letter Divini Redemptoris: AAS 29
(1937), 78ff; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter Summi Pontificatus: AAS
31 (1939), 423ff; Radiomessaggi natalizi 1941–1944; John XXIII,
Encyclical Letter Mater et magistra: AAS 53 (1961), 401–464;
Encyclical Letter Pacem in terris: AAS 55 (1963), 257–304; Paul
VI, Encyclical Letter Populorum progressio: AAS 59 (1967),
257–299; Apostolic Letter Octogesima adveniens: AAS 63 (1971),
401–441.
[12]
Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Centesimus annus, 46: AAS 83
(1991); Encyclical Letter Veritatis splendor, 101: AAS 85 (1993),
1212–1213; Discourse to the Italian Parliament, 5: L’Osservatore
Romano (November 15, 2002).
[13]
Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium vitae, 22: AAS 87
(1995), 425–426.
[14]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 76.
[15]
Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 75.
[16]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 43
and 75.
[17]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 25.
[18]
Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 73.
[19]
Cf. John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Evangelium vitae, 73.
[20]
Ibid.
[21]
Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 75.
[22]
Catechism of the Catholic Church,No. 2304.
[23]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 76.
[24]
John Paul II, Message for the 1991 World Day of Peace: "If you want peace,
respect the conscience of every person", 4: AAS 83 (1991),
414–415.
[25]
John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles laici, 59.
[26]
Cf. John Paul II, Address to the Diplomatic Corps accredited to the Holy See:
L’Osservatore Romano (January 11, 2002).
[27]
John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Fides et ratio, 90: AAS 91
(1999), 75.
[28]
Cf. Second Vatican Council, Declaration Dignitatis humanae, 1:
"This
Sacred Council begins by professing that God himself has made known to the human
race how men by serving him can be saved and reach the state of the blessed. We
believe that this one true religion subsists in the Catholic and Apostolic
Church". This does not lessen the sincere respect that the Church has for
the various religious traditions, recognizing in them "elements of truth and
goodness". See also, Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Constitution Lumen
gentium, 16; Decree Ad gentes, 11; Declaration Nostra aetate, 2;
John Paul II, Encyclical Letter Redemptoris missio, 55: AAS 83
(1991), 302–304; Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Declaration Dominus
Iesus, 2, 8, 21: AAS 92 (2000), 742–765.
[29]
Paul VI, Address to the Sacred College and to the Roman Prelature: in Insegnamenti
di Paolo VI, 14 (1976), 1088–1089.
[30]
Cf. Pius IX, Encyclical Letter Quanta cura: ASS 3 (1867), 162;
Leo XIII, Encyclical Letter Immortale Dei: ASS 18 (1885),
170–171; Pius XI, Encyclical Letter Quas primas: AAS 17 (1925),
604–605; Catechism of the Catholic Church, No. 2108; Congregation for
the Doctrine of the Faith, Declaration Dominus Iesus, 22.
[31]
Second Vatican Council, Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et spes, 43; see
also John Paul II, Apostolic Exhortation Christifideles laici, 59.
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