CRUSADES 
Catholic Encyclopedia

LOUIS BRÉHIER

 

The Crusades were expeditions undertaken, in fulfillment of a solemn 
vow, to deliver the Holy Places from Mohammedan tyranny. The origin of 
the word may be traced to the cross made of cloth and worn as a badge 
on the outer garment of those who took part in these enterprises. 
Medieval writers use the terms crux (pro cruce transmarina, Charter of 
1284, cited by Du Cange s.v. crux), croisement (Joinville), croiserie 
(Monstrelet), etc. Since the Middle Ages the meaning of the word 
crusade has been extended to include all wars undertaken in pursuance 
of a vow, and directed against infidels, i.e. against Mohammedans, 
pagans, heretics, or those under the ban of excommunication. The wars 
waged by the Spaniards against the Moors constituted a continual 
crusade from the eleventh to the sixteenth century; in the north of 
Europe crusades were organized against the Prussians and Lithuanians; 
the extermination of the Albigensian heresy was due to a crusade, and, 
in the thirteenth century the popes preached crusades against John 
Lackland and Frederick II. But modern literature has abused the word by 
applying it to all wars of a religious character, as, for instance, the 
expedition of Heraclius against the Persians in the seventh century and 
the conquest of Saxony by Charlemagne. The idea of the crusade 
corresponds to a political conception which was realized in Christendom 
only from the eleventh to the fifteenth century; this supposes a union 
of all peoples and sovereigns under the direction of the popes. All 
crusades were announced by preaching. After pronouncing a solemn vow, 
each warrior received a cross from the hands of the pope or his 
legates, and was thenceforth considered a soldier of the Church. 
Crusaders were also granted indulgences and temporal privileges, such 
as exemption from civil jurisdiction, inviolability of persons or 
lands, etc. Of all these wars undertaken in the name of Christendom, 
the most important were the Eastern Crusades, which are the only ones 
treated in this article. 
PRESENT KNOWLEDGE OF THE CRUSADES
A history of the Crusades was begun in France in the seventeenth 
century by the Benedictines of the Congregation of St-Maur. (Bongars 
had previously published the first collection of texts bearing upon the 
Latin Orient, under the title of "Gesta Dei per Frances", Hanover, 
1611, fol.) The publication of original Oriental texts prepared by 
Berthereau in the eighteenth century was prevented by the French 
Revolution, but in the nineteenth century the Academy of Inscriptions 
and Belles-Lettres adopted the Benedictine plan and, in 1841, began to 
issue a "Collection de l'histoire des Croisades" -- Western historians, 
5 vols.; Eastern or Arabian historians, 4 vols.; Greek, 2 vols.; 
Armenian documents, 2 vols.; laws, 2 vols. 
The historic revival that followed the Restoration of 1815, produced 
works of a romantic character like those of Michaud (Histoire des 
Croisades, 1st ed., 3 vols., Paris, 1812-17; and 7 vols. 8vo, 1824-29); 
Wilken (Gesch. der Kreuzzüge, Leipzig, 7 vols., 8vo, 1807-32); and 
Mills (History of the Crusades, 2 vols., London, 1820). Between 1839 
and 1842 King Louis Philippe established in the Versailles Museum the 
Halls of the Crusades, decorated with the armorial bearings of families 
whose ancestors had taken part in the Holy Wars. At this time was 
brought to light the unduly famous Courtois collection, consisting of 
receipts for advance-money loaned to French knights by Italian bankers 
and which, upon being compared with authentic texts, was found to 
contain a large number of forgeries. (See L. Delisle, "Bibliothèque de 
l'Ecole des Chartes", 1888, 304; Cartellieri, "Philipp II August", 
Leipzig, 1906, II, 302 sqq.) It is only within the last thirty years 
that the history of the Crusades has been studied in a truly scientific 
manner, thanks to the Société de l'Orient Latin founded by Count Riant 
in 1875 (principal seats at Paris and Geneva). Its publications were at 
first divided into geographical and historical series, the former 
containing the itineraries of pilgrims and the latter, chronicles, 
letters, and charters. The "Archives de l'Orient Latin" were published 
in 1881 (2 vols., Paris), but since 1893 the publications have been 
included in the "Revue de l'Orient Latin", a periodical bibliography of 
the history of the Crusades. Moreover, in all European countries 
national collections of documents ("Monumenta Germaniae"; "Société de 
l'histoire de France"; "Rerum britannicarum medii aevi scriptores": 
"Fontes rerum austriacarum", etc.) have done much toward providing us 
with sources of the history of the Crusades. Owing to these labours the 
student of the Crusades may now consult:
(1) Documents in Archives 
Röhricht's "Regesta regni hierosolymitani, 1097-1291" (Innsbruck, 
1893), and Delaville-Leroulx's "Cartulaire général des Hospitaliers de 
S. Jean de Jérusalem", 4 vols., fol. (Paris, 1894). The correspondence 
of the popes, preserved in the Vatican archives, is one of the most 
important sources for the history of the Crusades. After these archives 
were made accessible to scholars by order of Leo XIII in 1881, the 
Ecole Française of Rome inaugurated the publication of the registers of 
the popes of the thirteenth century (Library of the Ecole Française of 
Rome) -- Gregory IX (Auvray, ed.); Innocent IV (E. Berger, ed.); 
Alexander IV (de la Roncière, ed.); Urban IV (Guiraud, ed.); Clement IV 
(Jordan, ed.); Gregory X and John XXI (Guiraud and Cardier, ed.); 
Nicholas III (Gay, ed.); Martin IV (Sœhnée, ed.); Honorius IV (Prou, 
ed.); Nicholas IV (Langlois, ed.); Boniface VIII (Faucon, ed.); 
Benedict XI (Grandjean, ed.). To these must be added the registers of 
Honorius III (Pressuti, ed.; Rome, 1888) and Clement V (Benedictines, 
ed.; Rome, 1885-88). For the other popes see Migne's "Patrologia 
Latina" and the "Annales Ecclesiastici" of Baronius and Raynaldi 
(Mansi, ed., Lucca, 1738-59). The archives of the Italian states of 
Venice, Genoa, and Naples have also been of great value for throwing 
new light on the history of the Crusades, e.g. Tafel and Thomas, 
"Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik 
Venedig" (Fontes rerum austriacarum, XII~XIV, Venice, 1856-57); Thomas, 
"Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum" (Venice, 1880).
(2) Judicial Documents 
Such are the "Assises de Jérusalem" (Beugnot, ed., 2 vols., Paris, 
1841) and the "Règle du Temple" (Curzon, ed., Paris, 1886). 
(3) Chronicles 
These have not yet been gathered into a single collection. The reader 
should consult chiefly the "Collection de l'histoire des Croisades", 
published by the Académie des Inscriptions, and the Série Historique" 
of the Société de l'Orient Latin. The most detailed account of the 
Christian states is that in the chronicle of William, Archbishop of 
Tyre (d. 1190). It comprises twenty-three books (1095-1184) and, from 
1143, has the value of an original source (Historiens Occidentaux, I). 
This work was translated into French under the title of "Livre 
d'Eracles", the translation being continued until 1229 by Ernoul and 
until 1231 by Bernard, Treasurer of Saint-Pierre de Corbie. 
(4) Accounts of Pilgrimages and Itineraries, Especially in the Latin
    Orient 
The following are important: a geographical series from the fourth to 
the thirteenth century, issued by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society 
(London, 1884-); "Recueil de voyages et mémoires", published by the 
Société de Géographie (Paris, 1824-66); "Recueil de voyages et de 
documents pour servir à la géographie" (Paris, 1890-). 
(5) Oriental Research 
The history of the Crusades has profited by the progress made in the 
study of the Byzantine, Arabian, Armenian, and Mongolian Orient 
(Collection de l'histoire des Croisades: Greek historians, 2 vols., 
1875; Arabian historians, 4 vols., since 1872; and Armenian documents, 
2 vols., since 1869). 
(6) Archaeology 
Finally, archaeological exploration has added new elements to our 
knowledge of the Latin Orient. The castles of the crusaders in 
Palestine and the churches in French style throughout Cyprus and Syria 
have been discussed by Rey in his "Etudes sur les monuments de 
l'architecture militaire des croisés" (Paris, 1871) and by Enlart in 
"L'art gothique et la Renaissance en Chypre" (Paris, 1899); for coins 
and seals see Schlumberger's "Numismatique de l'Orient Latin" (Paris, 
1878). The history of the Crusades becomes henceforth a special field 
of study. However, many sources of information still remain 
unpublished, and those that have been published are scattered through 
numerous collections as yet but little known. 
DIVISION
It has been customary to describe the Crusades as eight 
in number: 
the first, 1095-1101;
 
the second, headed by Louis VII, 1145-47;
 
the third, conducted by Philip Augustus and Richard 
    Coeur-de-Lion, 1188-92;
 
the fourth, during which Constantinople was taken, 1204;
 
the fifth, which included the conquest of Damietta, 1217;
 
the sixth, in which Frederick II took part (1228-29); 
    also Thibaud de Champagne and Richard of Cornwall (1239); 

the seventh, led by St. Louis, 1249-52; 

the eighth, also under St. Louis, 1270. 
This division is arbitrary and excludes many important expeditions, 
among them those of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In reality 
the Crusades continued until the end of the seventeenth century, the 
crusade of Lepanto occurring in 1571, that of Hungary in 1664, and the 
crusade of the Duke of Burgundy to Candia, in 1669. A more scientific 
division is based on the history of the Christian settlements in the 
East; therefore the subject will be considered in the following order: 
I. Origin of the Crusades;
II. Foundation of Christian states in the East;
III. First destruction of the Christian states (1144-87);
IV. Attempts to restore the Christian states and the crusade 
    against Saint-Jean d'Acre (1192-98); 
V. The crusade against Constantinople (1204); 
VI. The thirteenth-century crusades (1217-52); 
VII. Final loss of the Christian colonies of the East (1254-91); 
VIII. The fourteenth-century crusade and the Ottoman invasion; 
IX. The crusade in the fifteenth century; 
X. Modifications and survival of the idea of the crusade.
I. ORIGIN OF THE CRUSADES
The Origin of the Crusades is directly traceable to the moral and 
political condition of Western Christendom in the eleventh century. At 
that time Europe was divided into numerous states whose sovereigns were 
absorbed in tedious and petty territorial disputes while the emperor, 
in theory the temporal head of Christendom, was wasting his strength in 
the quarrel over Investitures. The popes alone had maintained a just 
estimate of Christian unity; they realized to what extent the interests 
of Europe were threatened by the Byzantine Empire and the Mohammedan 
tribes, and they alone had a foreign policy whose traditions were 
formed under Leo IX and Gregory VII. The reform effected in the Church 
and the papacy through the influence of the monks of Cluny had 
increased the prestige of the Roman pontiff in the eyes of all 
Christian nations; hence none but the pope could inaugurate the 
international movement that culminated in the Crusades. But despite his 
eminent authority the pope could never have persuaded the Western 
peoples to arm themselves for the conquest of the Holy Land had not the 
immemorial relations between Syria and the West favoured his design. 
Europeans listened to the voice of Urban II because their own 
inclination and historic traditions impelled them towards the Holy 
Sepulchre. From the end of the fifth century there had been no break in 
their intercourse with the Orient. In the early Christian period 
colonies of Syrians had introduced the religious ideas, art, and 
culture of the East into the large cities of Gaul and Italy. The 
Western Christians in turn journeyed in large numbers to Syria, 
Palestine, and Egypt, either to visit the Holy Places or to follow the 
ascetic life among the monks of the Thebaid or Sinai. There is still 
extant the itinerary of a pilgrimage from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, dated 
333; in 385 St. Jerome and St. Paula founded the first Latin 
monasteries at Bethlehem. Even the Barbarian invasion did not seem to 
dampen the ardour for pilgrimages to the East. The Itinerary of St. 
Silvia (Etheria) shows the organization of these expeditions, which 
were directed by clerics and escorted by armed troops. In the year 600, 
St. Gregory the Great had a hospice erected in Jerusalem for the 
accommodation of pilgrims, sent aims to the monks of Mount Sinai ("Vita 
Gregorii" in "Acta SS.", March 1I, 132), and, although the deplorable 
condition of Eastern Christendom after the Arab invasion rendered this 
intercourse more difficult, it did not by any means cease. 
As early as the eighth century Angle-Saxons underwent the greatest 
hardships to visit Jerusalem. The journey of St. Willibald, Bishop of 
Eichstädt, took seven years (722-29) and furnishes an idea of the 
varied and severe trials to which pilgrims were subject (Itiner. 
Latina, 1, 241-283). After their conquest of the West, the Carolingians 
endeavoured to improve the condition of the Latins settled in the East; 
in 762 Pepin the Short entered into negotiations with the Caliph of 
Bagdad. In Rome, on 30 November, 800, the very day on which Leo III 
invoked the arbitration of Charlemagne, ambassadors from Haroun al-
Raschid delivered to the King of the Franks the keys of the Holy 
Sepulchre, the banner of Jerusalem, and some precious relics (Einhard, 
"Annales", ad an. 800, in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", I, 187); this 
was an acknowledgment of the Frankish protectorate over the Christians 
of Jerusalem. That churches and monasteries were built at Charlemagne's 
expense is attested by a sort of a census of the monasteries of 
Jerusalem dated 808 (" Commemoratio de Casis Dei" in " Itiner. 
Hieros.", I, 209). In 870, at the time of the pilgrimage of Bernard the 
Monk (Itiner. Hierosol., I, 314), these institutions were still very 
prosperous, and it has been abundantly proved that alms were sent 
regularly from the West to the Holy Land. In the tenth century, just 
when the political and social order of Europe was most troubled, 
knights, bishops, and abbots, actuated by devotion and a taste for 
adventure, were wont to visit Jerusalem and pray at the Holy Sepulchre 
without being molested by the Mohammedans. Suddenly, in 1009, Hakem, 
the Fatimite Caliph of Egypt, in a fit of madness ordered the 
destruction of the Holy Sepulchre and all the Christian establishments 
in Jerusalem. For years thereafter Christians were cruelly persecuted. 
(See the recital of an eyewitness, Iahja of Antioch, in Schlumberger's 
"Epopée byzantine", II, 442.) In 1027 the Frankish protectorate was 
overthrown and replaced by that of the Byzantine emperors, to whose 
diplomacy was due the reconstruction of the Holy Sepulchre. The 
Christian quarter was even surrounded by a wall, and some Amalfi 
merchants, vassals of the Greek emperors, built hospices in Jerusalem 
for pilgrims, e.g. the Hospital of St. John, cradle of the Order of 
Hospitallers.
Instead of diminishing, the enthusiasm of Western Christians for the 
pilgrimage to Jerusalem seemed rather to increase during the eleventh 
century. Not only princes, bishops, and knights, but even men and women 
of the humbler classes undertook the holy journey (Radulphus Glaber, 
IV, vi). Whole armies of pilgrims traversed Europe, and in the valley 
of the Danube hospices were established where they could replenish 
their provisions. In 1026 Richard, Abbot of Saint-Vannes, led 700 
pilgrims into Palestine at the expense of Richard II, Duke of Normandy. 
In 1065 over 12,000 Germans who had crossed Europe under the command of 
Günther, Bishop of Bamberg, while on their way through Palestine had to 
seek shelter in a ruined fortress, where they defended themselves 
against a troop of Bedouins (Lambert of Hersfeld, in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: 
Script.", V, 168). Thus it is evident that at the close of the eleventh 
century the route to Palestine was familiar enough to Western 
Christians who looked upon the Holy Sepulchre as the most venerable of 
relics and were ready to brave any peril in order to visit it. The 
memory of Charlemagne's protectorate still lived, and a trace of it is 
to be found in the medieval legend of this emperor's journey to 
Palestine (Gaston Paris in "Romania", 1880, p. 23). The rise of the 
Seljukian Turks, however, compromised the safety of pilgrims and even 
threatened the independence of the Byzantine Empire and of all 
Christendom. In 1070 Jerusalem was taken, and in 1091 Diogenes, the 
Greek emperor, was defeated and made captive at Mantzikert. Asia Minor 
and all of Syria became the prey of the Turks. Antioch succumbed in 
1084, and by 1092 not one of the great metropolitan sees of Asia 
remained in the possession of the Christians. Although separated from 
the communion of Rome since the schism of Michael Cærularius (1054), 
the emperors of Constantinople implored the assistance of the popes; in 
1073 letters were exchanged on the subject between Michael VII and 
Gregory VII. The pope seriously contemplated leading a force of 50,000 
men to the East in order to re-establish Christian unity, repulse the 
Turks, and rescue the Holy Sepulchre. But the idea of the crusade 
constituted only a part of this magnificent plan. (The letters of 
Gregory VII are in P. L., CXLVIII, 300, 325, 329, 386; cf. Riant's 
critical discussion in Archives de l'Orient Latin, I, 56.) The conflict 
over the Investitures in 1076 compelled the pope to abandon his 
projects; the Emperors Nicephorus Botaniates and Alexius Comnenus were 
unfavourable to a religious union with Rome: finally war broke out 
between the Byzantine Empire and the Normans of the Two Sicilies. It 
was Pope Urban II who took up the plans of Gregory VII and gave them 
more definite shape. A letter from Alexius Comnenus to Robert, Count of 
Flanders, recorded by the chroniclers, Guibert de Nogent ("Historiens 
Occidentaux des Croisades", ed. by the Académie des Inscriptions, IV, 
13l) and Hugues de Fleury (in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", IX, 392), 
seems to imply that the crusade was instigated by the Byzantine 
emperor, but this has been proved false (Chalandon, Essai sur le règne 
d'Alexis Comnène, appendix), Alexius having merely sought to enroll 
five hundred Flemish knights in the imperial army (Anna Comnena, 
Alexiad., VII, iv). The honour of initiating the crusade has also been 
attributed to Peter the Hermit, a recluse of Picardy, who, after a 
pilgrimage to Jerusalem and a vision in the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, went to Urban II and was commissioned by him to preach the 
crusade. However, though eyewitnesses of the crusade mention his 
preaching, they do not ascribe to him the all-important role assigned 
him later by various chroniclers, e.g. Albert of Aix and especially 
William of Tyre. (See Hagenmeyer, Peter der Eremite Leipzig, 1879.) The 
idea of the crusade is chiefly attributed to Pope Urban II (1095), and 
the motives that actuated him are clearly set forth by his 
contemporaries: "On beholding the enormous injury that all, clergy or 
people, brought upon the Christian Faith . . . at the news that the 
Rumanian provinces had been taken from the Christians by the Turks, 
moved with compassion and impelled by the love of God, he crossed the 
mountains and descended into Gaul" (Foucher de Chartres, I, in 
"Histoire des Crois.", III, 321). Of course it is possible that in 
order to swell his forces, Alexius Comnenus solicited assistance in the 
West; however, it was not he but the pope who agitated the great 
movement which filled the Greeks with anxiety and terror. 
II. FOUNDATION OF CHRISTIAN STATES IN THE EAST
After traveling through Burgundy and the south of France, Urban II 
convoked a council at Clermont-Ferrand, in Auvergne. It was attended by 
fourteen archbishops, 250 bishops, and 400 abbots; moreover a great 
number of knights and men of all conditions came and encamped on the 
plain of Chantoin, to the east of Clermont, 18-28 November, 1095. On 27 
November, the pope himself addressed the assembled multitudes, 
exhorting them to go forth and rescue the Holy Sepulchre. Amid 
wonderful enthusiasm and cries of "God wills it!" all rushed towards 
the pontiff to pledge themselves by vow to depart for the Holy Land and 
receive the cross of red material to be worn on the shoulder. At the 
same time the pope sent letters to all Christian nations, and the 
movement made rapid headway throughout Europe. Preachers of the crusade 
appeared everywhere, and on all sides sprang up disorganized, 
undisciplined, penniless hordes, almost destitute of equipment, who, 
surging eastward through the valley of the Danube, plundered as they 
went along and murdered the Jews in the German cities. One of these 
bands, headed by FoIkmar, a German cleric, was slaughtered by the 
Hungarians. Peter the Hermit, however, and the German knight, Walter 
the Pennyless (Gautier Sans Avoir), finally reached Constantinople with 
their disorganized troops. To save the city from plunder Alexius 
Comnenus ordered them to be conveyed across the Bosporus (August, 
1096); in Asia Minor they turned to pillage and were nearly all slain 
by the Turks. Meanwhile the regular crusade was being organized in the 
West and, according to a well conceived plan, the four principal armies 
were to meet at Constantinople. 
Godfrey of Bouillon, Duke of Lower Lorraine at the head of the people 
of Lorraine, the Germans, and the French from the north, followed the 
valley of the Danube, crossed Hungary, and arrived at Constantinople, 
23 December, 1096. Hugh of Vermandois, brother of King Philip I of 
France, Robert Courte-Heuse, Duke of Normandy, and Count Stephen of 
Blois, led bands of French and Normans across the Alps and set sail 
from the ports of Apulia for Dyrrachium (Durazzo), whence they took the 
"Via Egnatia" to Constantinople and assembled there in May, 1097. The 
French from the south, under the leadership of Raymond of Saint-Gilles, 
Count of Toulouse, and of Adhemar of Monteil, Bishop of Puy and papal 
legate, began to fight their way through the longitudinal valleys of 
the Eastern Alps and, after bloody conflicts with the Slavonians, 
reached Constantinople at the end of April, 1097. Lastly, the Normans 
of Southern Italy, won over by the enthusiasm of the bands of crusaders 
that passed through their country, embarked for Epirus under the 
command of Bohemond and Tancred, one being the eldest son, the other 
the nephew, of Robert Guiscard. Crossing the Byzantine Empire, they 
succeeded in reaching Constantinople, 26 April, 1097. The appearance of 
the crusading armies at Constantinople raised the greatest trouble, and 
helped to bring about in the future irremediable misunderstandings 
between the Greeks and the Latin Christians. The unsolicited invasion 
of the latter alarmed Alexius, who tried to prevent the concentration 
of all these forces at Constantinople by transporting to Asia Minor 
each Western army in the order of its arrival; moreover, he endeavoured 
to extort from the leaders of the crusade a promise that they would 
restore to the Greek Empire the lands they were about to conquer. After 
resisting the imperial entreaties throughout the winter, Godfrey of 
Bouillon, hemmed in at Pera, at length consented to take the oath of 
fealty. Bohemond, Robert Courte-Heuse, Stephen of Blois, and the other 
crusading chiefs unhesitatingly assumed the same obligation; Raymond of 
St-Gilles, however, remained obdurate. 
Transported into Asia Minor, the crusaders laid siege to the city of 
Nicæa, but Alexius negotiated with the Turks, had the city delivered to 
him, and prohibited the crusaders from entering it (1 June, 1097). 
After their victory over the Turks at the battle of Dorylæum on 1 July, 
1097, the Christians entered upon the high plateau of Asia Minor. 
Constantly harassed by a relentless enemy, overcome by the excessive 
heat, and sinking under the weight of their leather armour covered with 
iron scales, their sufferings were wellnigh intolerable. In September, 
1097, Tancred and Baldwin, brothers of Godfrey of Bouillon, left the 
bulk of the army and entered Armenian territory. At Tarsus a feud 
almost broke out between them, but fortunately they became reconciled. 
Tancred took possession of the towns of Cilicia, whilst Baldwin, 
summoned by the Armenians, crossed the Euphrates in October, 1097, and, 
after marrying an Armenian princess, was proclaimed Lord of Edessa. 
Meanwhile the crusaders, revictualled by the Armenians of the Taurus 
region, made their way into Syria and on 20 October, 1097, reached the 
fortified city of Antioch, which was protected by a wall flanked with 
450 towers, stocked by the Ameer Jagi-Sian with immense quantities of 
provisions. Thanks to the assistance of carpenters and engineers who 
belonged to a Genoese fleet that had arrived at the mouth of the 
Orontes, the crusaders were enabled to construct battering-machines and 
to begin the siege of the city. Eventually Bohemond negotiated with a 
Turkish chief who surrendered one of the towers, and on the night of 2 
June, 1098, the crusaders took Antioch by storm. The very next day they 
were in turn besieged within the city by the army of Kerbûga, Ameer of 
Mosul. Plague and famine cruelly decimated their ranks, and many of 
them, among others Stephen of Blois, escaped under cover of night. The 
army was on the verge of giving way to discouragement when its spirits 
were suddenly revived by the discovery of the Holy Lance, resulting 
from the dream of a Provençal priest named Pierre Barthélemy. On 28 
June, 1098, Kerbûga's army was effectually repulsed, but, instead of 
marching on Jerusalem without delay, the chiefs spent several months in 
a quarrel due to the rivalry of Raymond of Saint-Gilles and Bohemond, 
both of whom claimed the right to Antioch. It was not until April, 
1099, that the march towards Jerusalem was begun, Bohemond remaining in 
possession of Antioch while Raymond seized on Tripoli. On 7 June the 
crusaders began the siege of Jerusalem. Their predicament would have 
been serious, indeed, had not another Genoese fleet arrived at Jaffa 
and, as at Antioch, furnished the engineers necessary for a siege. 
After a general procession which the crusaders made barefooted around 
the city walls amid the insults and incantations of Mohammedan 
sorcerers, the attack began 14 July, 1099. Next day the Christians 
entered Jerusalem from all sides and slew its inhabitants regardless of 
age or sex. Having accomplished their pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre, 
the knights chose as lord of the new conquest Godfrey of Bouiilon, who 
called himself "Defender of the Holy Sepulchre". They had then to 
repulse an Egyptian army, which was defeated at Ascalon, 12 August, 
1099. Their position was nevertheless very insecure. Alexius Comnenus 
threatened the principality of Antioch, and in 1100 Bohemond himself 
was made prisoner by the Turks, while most of the cities on the coast 
were still under Mohammedan control. Before his death, 29 July, 1099, 
Urban II once more proclaimed the crusade. In 1101 three expeditions 
crossed Europe under the leadership of Count Stephen of Blois, Duke 
William IX of Aquitaine, and Welf IV, Duke of Bavaria. All three 
managed to reach Asia Minor, but were massacred by the Turks. On his 
release from prison Bohemond attacked the Byzantine Empire, but was 
surrounded by the imperial army and forced to acknowledge himself the 
vassal of Alexius. On Bohemond's death, however, in 1111, Tancred 
refused to live up to the treaty and retained Antioch. Godfrey of 
Bouillon died at Jerusalem 18 July, 1100. His brother and successor, 
Baldwin of Edessa, was crowned King of Jerusalem in the Basilica of 
Bethlehem, 25 December, 1100. In 1112, with the aid of Norwegians under 
Sigurd Jorsalafari and the support of Genoese, Pisan, and Venetian 
fleets, Baldwin I began the conquest of the ports of Syria, which was 
completed in 1124 by the capture of Tyre. Ascalon alone kept an 
Egyptian garrison until 1153. 
At this period the Christian states formed an extensive and unbroken 
territory between the Euphrates and the Egyptian frontier, and included 
four almost independent principalities: the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the 
Countship of Tripoli, the Principality of Antioch, and the Countship of 
Rohez (Edessa). These small states were, so to speak, the common 
property of all Christendom and, as such, were subordinate to the 
authority of the pope. Moreover, the French knights and Italian 
merchants established in the newly conquered cities soon gained the 
upper hand. The authority of the sovereigns of these different 
principalities was restricted by the fief-holders, vassals, and under-
vassals who constituted the Court of Lieges, or Supreme Court. This 
assembly had entire control in legislative matters; no statute or law 
could be established without its consent; no baron could be deprived of 
his fief without its decision; its jurisdiction extended over all, even 
the king, and it controlled also the succession to the throne. A "Court 
of the Burgesses" had similar jurisdiction over the citizens. Each fief 
had a like tribunal composed of knights and citizens, and in the ports 
there were police and mercantile courts (see ASSIZES OF JERUSALEM). The 
authority of the Church also helped to limit the power of the king; the 
four metropolitan sees of Tyre, Cæsarea, Bessan, and Petra were subject 
to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, similarly seven suffragan sees and a 
great many abbeys, among them Mount Sion, Mount Olivet, the Temple, 
Josaphat, and the Holy Sepulchre. Through rich and frequent donations 
the clergy became the largest property-holders in the kingdom; they 
also received from the crusaders important estates situated in Europe. 
In spite of the aforesaid restrictions, in the twelfth century the King 
of Jerusalem had a large income. The customs duties established in the 
ports and administered by natives, the tolls exacted from caravans, and 
the monopoly of certain industries were a fruitful source of revenue. 
From a military point of view all vassals owed the king unlimited 
service as to time, though he was obliged to compensate them, but to 
fill the ranks of the army it was necessary to enroll natives who 
received a life annuity (fief de soudée). In this way was recruited the 
light cavalry of the "Turcoples", armed in Saracenic style. Altogether 
these forces barely exceeded 20,000 men, and yet the powerful vassals 
who commanded them were almost independent of the king. So it was that 
the great need of regular troops for the defence of the Christian 
dominions brought about the creation of a unique institution, the 
religious orders of knighthood, viz.: the Hospitallers, who at first 
did duty in the Hospital of St. John founded by the aforesaid merchants 
of Amalfi, and were then organized into a militia by Gérard du Puy that 
they might fight the Saracens (1113); and the Templars, nine of whom in 
1118 gathered around Hugues de Payens and received the Rule of St. 
Bernard. These members, whether knights drawn from the nobility, 
bailiffs, clerks, or chaplains, pronounced the three monastic vows but 
it was chiefly to the war against the Saracens that they pledged 
themselves. Being favoured with many spiritual and temporal privileges, 
they easily gained recruits from among the younger sons of feudal 
houses and acquired both in Palestine and in Europe considerable 
property. Their castles, built at the principal strategic points, 
Margat, Le Crac, and Tortosa, were strong citadels protected by several 
concentric enclosures. In the Kingdom of Jerusalem these military 
orders virtually formed two independent commonwealths. Finally, in the 
cities, the public power was divided between the native citizens and 
the Italian colonists, Genoese, Venetians, Pisans, and also the 
Marseillais who, in exchange for their services, were given supreme 
power in certain districts wherein small self-governing communities had 
their consuls, their churches, and on the outskirts their farm-land, 
used for the cultivation of cotton and sugar-cane. The Syrian ports 
were regularly visited by Italian fleets which obtained there the 
spices and silks brought by caravans from the Far East. Thus, during 
the first half of the twelfth century the Christian states of the East 
were completely organized, and even eclipsed in wealth and prosperity 
most of the Western states. 
III. FIRST DESTRUCTION OF THE CHRISTIAN STATES (1144-87)
Many dangers, unfortunately, threatened this prosperity. On the south 
were the Caliphs of Egypt, on the east the Seljuk Ameers of Damascus, 
Hamah and Aleppo, and on the north the Byzantine emperors, eager to 
realize the project of Alexlus Comnenus and bring the Latin states 
under their power. Moreover, in the presence of so many enemies the 
Christian states lacked cohesion and discipline. The help they received 
from the West was too scattered and intermittent. Nevertheless these 
Western knights, isolated amid Mohammedans and forced, because of the 
torrid climate, to lead a life far different from that to which they 
had been accustomed at home, displayed admirable bravery and energy in 
their efforts to save the Christian colonies. In 1137 John Comnenus, 
Emperor of Constantinople, appeared before Antioch with an army, and 
compelled Prince Raymond to do him homage. On the death of this 
potentate (1143), Raymond endeavoured to shake off the irksome yoke and 
invaded Byzantine territory, but was hemmed in by the imperial army and 
compelled (1144) to humble himself at Constantinople before the Emperor 
Manuel. The Principality of Edessa, completely isolated from the other 
Christian states, could not withstand the attacks of Imad-ed-Din, the 
prince, or atabek, of Mosul, who forced its garrison to capitulate 25 
December, 1144. After the assassination of Imad-ed-Din, his son Nour-
ed-Din continued hostilities against the Christian states. At news of 
this, Louis VII of France, Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine, and a great 
number of knights, moved by the exhortations of St. Bernard, enlisted 
under the cross (Assembly of Vézelay, 31 March, 1146). The Abbot of 
Clairvaux became the apostle of the crusade and conceived the idea of 
urging all Europe to attack the infidels simultaneously in Syria, in 
Spain, and beyond the Elbe. At first he met with strong opposition in 
Germany. Eventually Emperor Conrad III acceded to his wish and adopted 
the standard of the cross at the Diet of Spires, 25 December, 1146. 
However, there was no such enthusiasm as had prevailed in 1095. Just as 
the crusaders started on their march, King Roger of Sicily attacked the 
Byzantine Empire, but his expedition merely checked the progress of 
Nour-ed-Din's invasion. The sufferings endured by the crusaders while 
crossing Asia Minor prevented them from advancing on Edessa. They 
contented themselves with besieging Damascus, but were obliged to 
retreat at the end of a few weeks (July, 1148). This defeat caused 
great dissatisfaction m the West; moreover, the conflicts between the 
Greeks and the crusaders only confirmed the general opinion that the 
Byzantine Empire was the chief obstacle to the success of the Crusades. 
Nevertheless, Manuel Comnenus endeavoured to strengthen the bonds that 
united the Byzantine Empire to the Italian principalities. In 1161 he 
married Mary of Antioch, and in 1167 gave the hand of one of his nieces 
to Amalric, King of Jerusalem. This alliance resulted in thwarting the 
progress of Nour-ed-Din, who, having become master of Damascus in 1154, 
refrained thenceforth from attacking the Christian dominions. 
King Amalric profited by this respite to interpose in the affairs of 
Egypt, as the only remaining representatives of the Fatimite dynasty 
were children, and two rival viziers were disputing the supreme power 
amid conditions of absolute anarchy. One of these disputants, Shawer, 
being exiled from Egypt, took refuge with Nour-ed-Din, who sent his 
best general, Shírkúh, to reinstate him. After his conquest of Cairo, 
Shírkúh endeavoured to bring Shawer into disfavour with the caliph; 
Amalric, taking advantage of this, allied himself with Shawer. On two 
occasions, in 1164 and 1167, he forced Shírkúh to evacuate Egypt; a 
body of Frankish knights was stationed at one of the gates of Cairo, 
and Egypt paid a tribute of 100,000 dinárs to the Kingdom of Jerusalem. 
In 1168 Amalric made another attempt to conquer Egypt, but failed. 
After ordering the assassination of Shawer, Shírkúh had himself 
proclaimed Grand Vizier. At his death on 3 March, 1169, he was 
succeeded by his nephew, Salah-ed-Dîn (Saladin). During that year 
Amalric, aided by a Byzantine fleet, invaded Egypt once more, but was 
defeated at Damietta. Saladin retained full sway in Egypt and appointed 
no successor to the last Fatimite caliph, who died in 1171. Moreover, 
Nour-ed-Din died in 1174, and, while his sons and nephews disputed the 
inheritance, Saladin took possession of Damascus and conquered all 
Mesopotamia except Mosul. Thus, when Amalric died in 1173, leaving the 
royal power to Baldwin IV, "the Leprous", a child of thirteen, the 
kingdom of Jerusalem was threatened on all sides. At the same time two 
factions, led respectively by Guy de Lusignan, brother-in-law of the 
king, and Raymond, Count of Tripoli, contended for the supremacy. 
Baldwin IV died in 1184, and was soon followed to the grave by his 
nephew Baldwin V. Despite lively opposition, Guy de Lusignan was 
crowned king, 20 July, 1186. Though the struggle against Saladin was 
already under way, it was unfortunately conducted without order or 
discipline. Notwithstanding the truce concluded with Saladin, Renaud de 
Châtillon, a powerful feudatory and lord of the trans-Jordanic region, 
which included the fief of Montréal, the great castle of Karak, and 
Aïlet, a port on the Red Sea, sought to divert the enemy's attention by 
attacking the holy cities of the Mohammedans. Oarless vessels were 
brought to Aïlet on the backs of camels in 1182, and a fleet of five 
galleys traversed the Red Sea for a whole year, ravaging the coasts as 
far as Aden; a body of knights even attempted to seize Medina. In the 
end this fleet was destroyed by Saladin's, and, to the great joy of the 
Mohammedans, the Frankish prisoners were put to death at Mecca. 
Attacked in his castle at Karak, Renaud twice repulsed Saladin's forces 
(1184-86). A truce was then signed, but Renaud broke it again and 
carried off a caravan in which was the sultan's own sister. In his 
exasperation Saladin invaded the Kingdom of Jerusalem and, although Guy 
de Lusignan gathered all his forces to repel the attack, on 4 July, 
1187, Saladin's army annihilated that of the Christians on the shores 
of Lake Tiberias. The king, the grand master of the Temple, Renaud de 
Châtillon, and the most powerful men in the realm were made prisoners. 
After slaying Renaud with his own hand, Saladin marched on Jerusalem. 
The city capitulated 17 September, and Tyre, Antioch, and Tripoli were 
the only places in Syria that remained to the Christians. 
IV. ATTEMPTS TO RESTORE THE CHRISTIAN STATES AND THE CRUSADE AGAINST 
    SAINT-JEAN D'ACRE
The news of these events caused great consternation in Christendom, and 
Pope Gregory VIII strove to put a stop to all dissension among the 
Christian princes. On 21 January, 1188, Philip Augustus, King of 
France, and Henry II, Plantagenet, became reconciled at Gisors and took 
the cross. On 27 March, at the Diet of Mainz, Frederick Barbarossa and 
a great number of German knights made a vow to defend the Christian 
cause in Palestine. In Italy, Pisa made peace with Genoa, Venice with 
the King of Hungary, and William of Sicily with the Byzantine Empire. 
Moreover, a Scandinavian fleet consisting of 12,000 warriors sailed 
around the shores of Europe, when passing Portugal, it helped to 
capture Alvor from the Mohammedans. Enthusiasm for the crusade was 
again wrought up to a high pitch; but, on the other hand, diplomacy and 
royal and princely schemes became increasingly important in its 
organization. Frederick Barbarossa entered into negotiations with Isaac 
Angelus, Emperor of Constantinople, with the Sultan of Iconium, and 
even with Saladin himself. It was, moreover, the first time that all 
the Mohammedan forces were united under a single leader; Saladin, while 
the holy war was being preached, organized against the Christians 
something like a counter-crusade. Frederick Barbarossa, who was first 
ready for the enterprise, and to whom chroniclers attribute an army of 
100,000 men, left Ratisbon, 11 May, 1189. Alter crossing Hungary he 
took the Balkan passes by assault and tried to outflank the hostile 
movements of Isaac Angelus by attacking Constantinople. Finally, after 
the sack of Adrianople, Isaac Angelus surrendered, and between 21 and 
30 March, 1190, the Germans succeeded in crossing the Strait of 
Gallipoli. As usual, the march across Asia Minor was most arduous. With 
a view to replenishing provisions, the army took Iconium by assault. On 
their arrival in the Taurus region, Frederick Barbarossa tried to cross 
the Selef (Kalykadnos) on horseback and was drowned. Thereupon many 
German princes returned to Europe; the others, under the emperor's son, 
Frederick of Swabia. reached Antioch and proceeded thence to Saint-Jean 
d'Acre. It was before this city that finally all the crusading troops 
assembled. In June, 1189, King Guy de Lusignan, who had been released 
from captivity, appeared there with the remnant of the Christian army, 
and, in September of the same year, the Scandinavian fleet arrived, 
followed by the English and Flemish fleets, commanded respectively by 
the Archbishop of Canterbury and Jacques d'hvesnes. This heroic siege 
lasted two years. In the spring of each year reinforcements arrived 
from the West, and a veritable Christian city sprang up outside the 
walls of Acre. But the winters were disastrous to the crusaders, whose 
ranks were decimated by disease brought on by the inclemency of the 
rainy season and lack of food. Saladin came to the assistance of the 
city, and communicated with it by means of carrier pigeons. Missile-
hurting machines (pierrières), worked by powerful machinery, were used 
by the crusaders to demolish the walls of Acre, but the Mohammedans 
also had strong artillery. This famous siege had already lasted two 
years when Philip Augustus, King of France, and Richard Cœur de Lion, 
King of England, arrived on the scene. After long deliberation they had 
left Vézelay together, 4 July, 1190. Richard embarked at Marseilles, 
Philip at Genoa, and they met at Messina. During a sojourn in this 
place, lasting until March, 1191, they almost quarreled, but finally 
concluded a treaty of peace. While Philip was landing at Acre, Richard 
was shipwrecked on the coast of Cyprus, then independent under Isaac 
Comnenus. With the aid of Guy de Lusignan, Richard conquered this 
island. The arrival of the Kings of France and England before Acre 
brought about the capitulation of the city, 13 July 1191. Soon, 
however, the quarrel of the French and English kings broke out again, 
and Philip Augustus left Palestine, 28 July. Richard was now leader of 
the crusade, and, to punish Saladin for the non-fulfillment of the 
treaty conditions within the time specified, had the Mohammedan 
hostages put to death. Next, an attack on Jerusalem was meditated, but, 
after beguiling the Christians by negotiations, Saladin brought 
numerous troops from Egypt. The enterprise failed, and Richard 
compensated himself for these reverses by brilliant but useless 
exploits which made his name legendary among the Mohammedans. Before 
his departure he sold the Island of Cyprus, first to the Templars, who 
were unable to settle there, and then to Guy de Lusignan, who renounced 
the Kingdom of Jerusalem in favour of Conrad of Montferrat (1192). 
After a last expedition to defend Jaffa against Saladin, Richard 
declared a truce and embarked for Europe, 9 October, 1192, but did not 
reach his English realm until he had undergone a humiliating captivity 
at the hands of the Duke of Austria, who avenged in this way the 
insults offered him before Saint-Jean d'Acre. 
While Capetians and Plantagenets, oblivious of the Holy War, were 
settling at home their territorial disputes, Emperor Henry VI, son of 
Barbarossa, took in hand the supreme direction of Christian politics in 
the East. Crowned King of the Two Sicilies, 25 December, 1194, he took 
the cross at Bari, 31 May, 1195, and made ready an expedition which, he 
thought, would recover Jerusalem and wrest Constantinople from the 
usurper Alexius III. Eager to exercise his imperial authority he made 
Amaury de Lusignan King of Cyprus and Leo II King of Armenia. In 
September, 1197, the German crusaders started for the East. They landed 
at Saint-Jean d'Acre and marched on Jerusalem, but were detained before 
the little town of Tibnin from November, 1197, to February 1198. On 
raising the siege, they learned that Henry VI had died, 28 September, 
at Messina, where he had gathered the fleet that was to convey him to 
Constantinople. The Germans signed a truce with the Saracens, but their 
future influence in Palestine was assured by the creation of the Order 
of the Teutonic Knights. In 1143, a German pilgrim had founded a 
hospital for his fellow-countrymen; the religious who served it moved 
to Acre and, in 1198, were organized in imitation of the plan of the 
Hospitallers, their rule being approved by Innocent III in 1199. 
V. THE CRUSADE AGAINST CONSTANTINOPLE (1204)
In the many attempts made to establish the Christian states the efforts 
of the crusaders had been directed solely toward the object for which 
the Holy War had been instituted; the crusade against Constantinople 
shows the first deviation from the original purpose. For those who 
strove to gain their ends by taking the direction of the crusades out 
of the pope's hands, this new movement was, of course, a triumph, but 
for Christendom it was a source of perplexity. Scarcely had Innocent 
III been elected pope, in January, 1198, when he inaugurated a policy 
in the East which he was to follow throughout his pontificate. He 
subordinated all else to the recapture of Jerusalem and the reconquest 
of the Holy Land. In his first Encyclicals he summoned all Christians 
to join the crusade and even negotiated with Alexius III, the Byzantine 
emperor, trying to persuade him to re-enter the Roman communion and use 
his troops for the liberation of Palestine. Peter of Capua, the papal 
legate, brought about a truce between Philip Augustus and Richard Cœur 
de Lion, January, 1199, and popular preachers, among others the perish 
priest Foulques of Neuilly, attracted large crowds. During a tournament 
at Ecry-sur-Aisne, 28 November, 1199, Count Thibaud de Champagne and a 
great many knights took the cross; in southern Germany, Martin, Abbot 
of Pairis, near Colmar, won many to the crusade. It would seem, 
however, that, from the outset, the pope lost control of this 
enterprise. Without even consulting Innocent III, the French knights, 
who had elected Thibaud de Champagne as their leader, decided to attack 
the Mohammedans in Egypt and in March, 1201, concluded with the 
Republic of Venice a contract for the transportation of troops on the 
Mediterranean. On the death of Thibaud the crusaders chose as his 
successor Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, and cousin of Philip of 
Swabia, then in open conflict with the pope. Just at this time the son 
of Isaac Angelus, the dethroned Emperor of Constantinople, sought 
refuge in the West and asked Innocent III and his own brother-in-law, 
Philip of Swabia, to reinstate him on the imperial throne. The question 
has been raised whether it was pre-arranged between Philip and Boniface 
of Montferrat to turn the crusade towards Constantinople, and a passage 
in the "Gesta Innocentii" (83, in P. L., CCXIV, CXXXII) indicates that 
the idea was not new to Boniface of Montferrat when, in the spring of 
1202, he made it known to the pope. Meanwhile the crusaders assembled 
at Venice could not pay the amount called for by their contract, so, by 
way of exchange, the Venetians suggested that they help recover the 
city of Zara in Dalmatia. The knights accepted the proposal, and, after 
a few days' siege, the city capitulated, November, 1202. But it was in 
vain that Innocent III urged the crusaders to set out for Palestine. 
Having obtained absolution for the capture of Zara, and despite the 
opposition of Simon of Montfort and a part of the army, on 24 May, 
1203, the leaders ordered a march on Constantinople. They had concluded 
with Alexius, the Byzantine pretender, a treaty whereby he promised to 
have the Greeks return to the Roman communion, give the crusaders 
200,000 marks, and participate in the Holy War. On 23 June the 
crusaders' fleet appeared before Constantinople; on 7 July they took 
possession of a suburb of Galata and forced their way into the Golden 
Horn; on 17 July they simultaneously attacked the sea walls and land 
walls of the Blachernæ. The troops of Alexius III made an unsuccessful 
sally, and the usurper fled, whereupon Isaac Angelus was released from 
prison and permitted to share the imperial dignity with his son, 
Alexius IV. But even had the latter been sincere he would have been 
powerless to keep the promises made to the crusaders. After some months 
of tedious waiting, those of their number cantoned at Galata lost 
patience with the Greeks, who not only refused to live up to their 
agreement, but likewise treated them with open hostility. On 5 
February, 1204, Alexius IV and Isaac Angelus were deposed by a 
revolution, and Alexius Murzuphla, a usurper, undertook the defence of 
Constantinople against the Latin crusaders who were preparing to 
besiege Constantinople a second time. By a treaty concluded in March, 
1204, between the Venetians and the crusading chiefs, it was pre-
arranged to share the spoils of the Greek Empire. On 12 April, 1204, 
Constantinople was carried by storm, and the next day the ruthless 
plundering of its churches and palaces was begun. The masterpieces of 
antiquity, piled up in public places and in the Hippodrome, were 
utterly destroyed. Clerics and knights, in their eagerness to acquire 
famous and priceless relies, took part in the sack of the churches. The 
Venetians received half the booty; the portion of each crusader was 
determined according to his rank of baron, knight, or bailiff, and most 
of the churches of the West were enriched with ornaments stripped from 
those of Constantinople. On 9 May, 1204, an electoral college, formed 
of prominent crusaders and Venetians, assembled to elect an emperor. 
Dandolo, Doge of Venice, refused the honour, and Boniface of Montferrat 
was not considered. In the end, Baldwin, Count of Flanders, was elected 
and solemnly crowned in St. Sophia. Constantinople and the empire were 
divided among the emperor, the Venetians, and the chief crusaders; the 
Marquis of Montferrat received Thessalonica and Macedonia, with the 
title of king; Henry of Flanders became Lord of Adramyttion; Louis of 
Blois was made Duke of Nicæa, and fiefs were bestowed upon six hundred 
knights. Meanwhile, the Venetians reserved to themselves the ports of 
Thrace, the Peloponnesus, and the islands. Thomas Morosini, a Venetian 
priest, was elected patriarch. 
At the news of these most extraordinary events, in which he had had no 
hand, Innocent III bowed as in submission to the designs of Providence 
and, in the interests of Christendom, determined to make the best of 
the new conquest. His chief aim was to suppress the Greek schism and to 
place the forces of the new Latin Empire at the service of the crusade. 
Unfortunately, the Latin Empire of Constantinople was in too precarious 
a condition to furnish any material support to the papal policy. The 
emperor was unable to impose his authority upon the barons. At Nicaea, 
not far from Constantinople, the former Byzantine Government gathered 
the remnant of its authority and its followers. Theodore Lascaris was 
proclaimed emperor. In Europe, Joannitsa, Tsar of the Wallachians and 
Bulgarians, invaded Thrace and destroyed the army of the crusaders 
before Adrianople, 14 April, 1205. During the battle the Emperor 
Baldwin fell. His brother and successor, Henry of Flanders, devoted his 
reign (1206-16) to interminable conflicts with the Bulgarians, the 
Lombards of Thessalonica, and the Greeks of Asia Minor. Nevertheless, 
he succeeded in strengthening the Latin conquest, forming an alliance 
with the Bulgarians, and establishing his authority even over the 
feudatories of Morea (Parliament of Ravennika, 1209); however, far from 
leading a crusade into Palestine, he had to solicit Western help, and 
was obliged to sign treaties with Theodore Lascaris and even with the 
Sultan of Iconium. The Greeks were not reconciled to the Church of 
Rome; most of their bishops abandoned their sees and took refuge at 
Nicæa, leaving their churches to the Latin bishops named to replace 
them. Greek convents were replaced by Cistercian monasteries, 
commanderies of Templars and Hospitallers, and chapters of canons. With 
a few exceptions, however, the native population remained hostile and 
looked upon the Latin conquerors as foreigners. Having failed in all 
his attempts to induce the barons of the Latin Empire to undertake an 
expedition against Palestine, and understanding at last the cause of 
failure of the crusade in 1204, Innocent III resolved (1207) to 
organize a new crusade and to take no further notice of Constantinople. 
Circumstances, however, were unfavourable. Instead of concentrating the 
forces of Christendom against the Mohammedans, the pope himself 
disbanded them by proclaiming (1209) a crusade against the Albigenses 
in the south of France, and against the Almohades of Spain (1213), the 
pagans of Prussia, and John Lackland of England. At the same time there 
occurred outbursts of mystical emotion similar to those which had 
preceded the first crusade. In 1212 a young shepherd of Vendôme and a 
youth from Cologne gathered thousands of children whom they proposed to 
lead to the conquest of Palestine. The movement spread through France 
and Italy. This "Children's Crusade" at length reached Brindisi, where 
merchants sold a number of the children as slaves to the Moors, while 
nearly all the rest died of hunger and exhaustion. In 1213 Innocent III 
had a crusade preached throughout Europe and sent Cardinal Pelagius to 
the East to effect, if possible, the return of the Greeks to the fold 
of Roman unity. On 25 July, 1215, Frederick II, after his victory over 
Otto of Brunswick, took the cross at the tomb of Charlemagne at Aachen. 
On 11 November, 1215, Innocent III opened the Fourth Lateran Council 
with an exhortation to all the faithful to join the crusade, the 
departure being set for 1217. At the time of his death (1216) Pope 
Innocent felt that a great movement had been started. 
VI. THE THIRTEENTH-CENTURY CRUSADES (1217-52)
In Europe, however, the preaching of the crusade met with great 
opposition. Temporal princes were strongly averse to losing 
jurisdiction over their subjects who took part in the crusades. 
Absorbed in political schemes, they were unwilling to send so far away 
the military forces on which they depended. As early as December, 1216, 
Frederick II was granted a first delay in the fulfillment of his vow. 
The crusade as preached in the thirteenth century was no longer the 
great enthusiastic movement of 1095, but rather a series of irregular 
and desultory enterprises. Andrew II, King of Hungary, and Casimir, 
Duke of Pomerania, set sail from Venice and Spalato, while an army of 
Scandinavians made a tour of Europe. The crusaders landed at Saint-Jean 
d'Acre in 1217, but confined themselves to incursions on Mussulman 
territory, whereupon Andrew of Hungary returned to Europe. Receiving 
reinforcements in the spring of 1218, John of Brienne, King of 
Jerusalem, resolved to make an attack on the Holy Land by way of Egypt. 
The crusaders accordingly landed at Damietta in May, 1218, and, after a 
siege marked by many deeds of heroism, took the city by storm, 5 
November, 1219. Instead of profiting by this victory, they spent over a 
year in idle quarrels, and it was not until May 1221, that they set out 
for Cairo. Surrounded by the Saracens at Mansurah, 24 July, the 
Christian army was routed. John of Brienne was compelled to purchase a 
retreat by the surrender of Damietta to the Saracens. Meanwhile Emperor 
Frederick II, who was to be the leader of the crusade, had remained in 
Europe and continued to importune the pope for new postponements of his 
departure. On 9 November, 1225, he married Isabelle of Brienne, heiress 
to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the ceremony taking place at Brindisi. 
Completely ignoring his father-in-law, he assumed the title of King of 
Jerusalem. In 1227, however, he had not yet left for Palestine. Gregory 
IX, elected pope 19 March, 1227, summoned Frederick to fulfill his vow. 
Finally, 8 September, the emperor embarked but soon turned back; 
therefore, on 29 September, the pope excommunicated him. Nevertheless, 
Frederick set sail again 18 June, 1228, but instead of leading a 
crusade he played a game of diplomacy. He won over Malek-el-Khamil, the 
Sultan of Egypt, who was at war with the Prince of Damascus, and 
concluded a treaty with him at Jaffa, February, 1229, according to the 
terms of which Jerusalem, Bethlehem, and Nazareth were restored to the 
Christians. On 18 March, 1229, without any religious ceremony, 
Frederick assumed the royal crown of Jerusalem in the church of the 
Holy Sepulchre. Returning to Europe, he became reconciled to Gregory 
IX, August, 1230. The pontiff ratified the Treaty of Jaffa, and 
Frederick sent knights into Syria to take possession of the cities and 
compel all feudatories to do him homage. A struggle occurred between 
Richard Filangieri, the emperor's marshal, and the barons of Palestine, 
whose leader was Jean d'Ibelin, Lord of Beirut. Filangieri vainly 
attempted to obtain possession of the Island of Cyprus. and, when 
Conrad, son of Frederick II and Isabelle of Brienne, came of age in 
1243, the High Court, described above, named as regent Alix of 
Champagne, Queen of Cyprus. In this way German power was abolished in 
Palestine. 
In the meantime Count Thibaud IV of Champagne had been leading a 
fruitless crusade in Syria (1239). Similarly the Duke of Burgundy and 
Richard of Cornwall, brother of the King of England, who had undertaken 
to recover Ascalon, concluded a truce with Egypt (1241). Europe was now 
threatened with a most grievous disaster. After conquering Russia, the 
Mongols under Jenghiz Khan appeared in 1241 on the frontiers of Poland, 
routed the army of the Duke of Silesia at Liegnitz, annihilated that of 
Bela, King of Hungary, and reached the Adriatic. Palestine felt the 
consequences of this invasion. The Mongols had destroyed the Mussulman 
Empire of Kharizm in Central Asia. Fleeing before their conquerors, 
10,000 Kharizmians offered their services to the Sultan of Egypt, 
meanwhile seizing Jerusalem as they passed by, in September, 1244. The 
news of this catastrophe created a great stir in Europe, and at the 
Council of Lyons (June-July, 1245) Pope Innocent IV proclaimed a 
crusade, but the lack of harmony between him and the Emperor Frederick 
II foredoomed the pontiff to disappointment. Save for Louis IX, King of 
France, who took the cross in December, 1244, no one showed any 
willingness to lead an expedition to Palestine. On being informed that 
the Mongols were well-disposed towards Christianity, Innocent IV sent 
them Giovanni di Pianocarpini, a Franciscan, and Nicolas Ascelin, a 
Dominican, as ambassadors. Pianocarpini was in Karakorum 8 April, 1246, 
the day of the election of the great khan, but nothing came of this 
first attempt at an alliance with the Mongols against the Mohammedans. 
However, when St. Louis, who left Paris 12 June, 1248, had reached the 
Island of Cyprus, he received there a friendly embassy from the great 
khan and, in return, sent him two Dominicans. Encouraged, perhaps, by 
this alliance, the King of France decided to attack Egypt. On 7 June, 
1249, he took Damietta, but it was only six months later that he 
marched on Cairo. On 19 December, his advance-guard, commanded by his 
brother, Robert of Artois, began imprudently to fight in the streets of 
Mansurah and were destroyed. The king himself was cut off from 
communication with Damietta and made prisoner 5 April, 1250. At the 
same time, the Ajoubite dynasty founded by Saladin was overthrown by 
the Mameluke militia, whose ameers took possession of Egypt. St. Louis 
negotiated with the latter and was set at liberty on condition of 
surrendering Damietta and paying a ransom of a million gold bezants. He 
remained in Palestine until 1254; bargained with the Egyptian ameers 
for the deliverance of prisoners; improved the equipment of the 
strongholds of the kingdom, Saint-Jean d'Acre, Cæsarea, Jaffa, and 
Sidon; and sent Friar William of Rubruquis as ambassador to the great 
khan. Then, at the news of the death of his mother, Blanche of Castile, 
who had been acting as regent, he returned to France. Since the crusade 
against Saint-Jean d'Acre, a new Frankish state, the Kingdom of Cyprus, 
had been formed in the Mediterranean opposite Syria and became a 
valuable point of support for the crusades. By lavish distribution of 
lands and franchises, Guy de Lusignan succeeded in attracting to the 
island colonists, knights, men-at-arms, and civilians; his successors 
established a government modeled after that of the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem. The king's power was restricted by that of the High Court, 
composed of all the knights, vassals, or under-vassals, with its seat 
at Nicosia. However, the fiefs were less extensive than in Palestine, 
and the feudatories could inherit only in a direct line. The Island of 
Cyprus was soon populated with French colonists who succeeded in 
winning over the Greeks, upon whom they even imposed their language. 
Churches built in the French style and fortified castles appeared on 
all sides. The Cathedral of St. Sophia in Nicosia, erected between 1217 
and 1251, was almost a copy of a church in Champagne. Finally, 
commercial activity became a pronounced characteristic of the cities of 
Cyprus, and Famagusta developed into one of the busiest of 
Mediterranean ports. 
VII. FINAL LOSS OF THE CHRISTIAN COLONIES OF THE EAST (1254-91)
No longer aided by funds from the West, and rent by internal disorders, 
the Christian colonies owed their temporary salvation to the changes in 
Mussulman policy and the intervention of the Mongols. The Venetians 
drove the Genoese from Saint-Jean d'Acre and treated the city as 
conquered territory; in a battle where Christians fought against 
Christians, and in which Hospitallers were pitted against Templars, 
20,000 men perished. In revenge the Genoese allied themselves with 
Michael Palæologus, Emperor of Nicæa, whose general, Alexius 
Strategopulos, had now no trouble in entering Constantinople and 
overthrowing the Latin Emperor, Baldwin II, 25 July, 1261. The conquest 
of the Caliphate of Bagdad by the Mongols (1258) and their invasion of 
Syria, where they seized Aleppo and Damascus, terrified both Christians 
and Mohammedans; but the Mameluke ameer, Bibars the Arbelester, 
defeated the Mongols and wrested Syria from them in September, 1260. 
Proclaimed sultan in consequence of a conspiracy, in 1260, Bibars began 
a merciless war on the remaining Christian states. In 1263 he destroyed 
the church at Nasareth; in 1265 took Cæsarea and Jaffa, and finally 
captured Antioch (May, 1268). The question of a crusade was always 
being agitated in the West, but except among men of a religious turn of 
mind, like St. Louis, there was no longer any earnestness in the matter 
among European princes. They looked upon a crusade as a political 
instrument, to be used only when it served their own interests. To 
prevent the preaching of a crusade against Constantinople, Michael 
Palæologus promised the pope to work for the union of the Churches; but 
Charles of Anjou, brother of St. Louis, whom the conquest of the Two 
Sicilies had rendered one of the most powerful princes of Christendom, 
undertook to carry out for his own benefit the Eastern designs hitherto 
cherished by the Hohenstaufen. While Mary of Antioch, granddaughter of 
Amaury II, bequeathed him the rights she claimed to have to the crown 
of Jerusalem, he signed the treaty of Viterbo with Baldwin II (27 May, 
1267), which assured him eventually the inheritance of Constantinople. 
In no wise troubled by these diplomatic combinations, St. Louis thought 
only of the crusade. In a parliament held at Paris, 24 March, 1267, he 
and his three sons took the cross, but, despite his example, many 
knights resisted the exhortations of the preacher Humbert de Romans. On 
hearing the reports of the missionaries, Louis resolved to land at 
Tunis, whose prince he hoped to convert to Christianity. It has been 
asserted that St. Louis was led to Tunis by Charles of Anjou, but 
instead of encouraging his brother's ambition the saint endeavoured to 
thwart it. Charles had tried to take advantage of the vacancy of the 
Holy See between 1268 and 1271 in order to attack Constantinople, the 
negotiations of the popes with Michael Palæologus for religious union 
having heretofore prevented him. St. Louis received the embassy of the 
Greek emperor very graciously and ordered Charles of Anjou to join him 
at Tunis. The crusaders, among whom was Prince Edward of England, 
landed at Carthage 17 July, 1270, but the plague broke out in their 
camp, and on 25 August, St. Louis himself was carried off by the 
scourge. Charles of Anjou then concluded a treaty with the Mohammedans, 
and the crusaders re-embarked. Prince Edward alone, determined to 
fulfill his vow, and set out for Saint-Jean d'Acre; however, after a 
few razzias on Saracenic territory, he concluded a truce with Bibars. 
The field was now clear for Charles of Anjou, but the election of 
Gregory X, who was favourable to the crusade, again frustrated his 
plans. While the emissaries of the King of the Two Sicilies traversed 
the Balkan peninsula, the new pope was awaiting the union of the 
Western and Eastern Churches, which event was solemnly proclaimed at 
the Council of Lyons, 6 July, 1274; Michael Palæologus himself promised 
to take the cross. On 1 May, 1275, Gregory X effected a truce between 
this sovereign and Charles of Anjou. In the meantime Philip III, King 
of France, the King of England, and the King of Aragon made a vow to go 
to the Holy Land. Unfortunately the death of Gregory X brought these 
plans to naught, and Charles of Anjou resumed his scheming. In 1277 he 
sent into Syria Roger of San Severino, who succeeded in planting his 
banner on the castle of Acre and in 1278 took possession of the 
principality of Achaia in the name of his daughter-in-law Isabelle de 
Villehardouin. Michael Palæologus had not been able to effect the union 
of the Greek clergy with Rome, and in 1281 Pope Martin IV 
excommunicated him. Having signed an alliance with Venice, Charles of 
Anjou prepared to attack Constantinople, and his expedition was set for 
April, 1283. On 30 March, 1282, however, the revolt known as the 
Sicilian Vespers occurred, and once more his projects were defeated. In 
order to subdue his own rebellious subjects and to wage war against the 
King of Aragon, Charles was at last compelled to abandon his designs on 
the East. Meanwhile Michael Palæologus remained master of 
Constantinople, and the Holy Land was left defenseless. In 1280 the 
Mongols attempted once more to invade Syria, but were repulsed by the 
Egyptians at the battle of Hims; in 1286 the inhabitants of Saint-Jean 
d'Acre expelled Charles of Anjou's seneschal and called to their aid 
Henry II, King of Cyprus. Kelaoun, the successor of Bibars, now broke 
the truce which he had concluded with the Christians, and seized 
Margat, the stronghold of the Hospitallers. Tripoli surrendered in 
1289, and on 5 April, 1291, Malek-Aschraf, son and successor of 
Kelaoun, appeared before Saint-Jean d'Acre with 120,000 men. The 25,000 
Christians who defended the city were not even under one supreme 
commander; nevertheless they resisted with heroic valor, filled 
breaches in the wall with stakes and bags of cotton and wool, and 
communicated by sea with King Henry II, who brought them help from 
Cyprus. However, 28 May, the Mohammedans made a general attack and 
penetrated into the town, and its defenders fled in their ships. The 
strongest opposition was offered by the Templars, the garrison of whose 
fortress held out ten days longer, only to be completely annihilated. 
In July, 1291, the last Christian towns in Syria capitulated, and the 
Kingdom of Jerusalem ceased to exist. 
VIII. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY CRUSADE AND THE OTTOMAN INVASION
The loss of Saint-Jean d'Acre did not lead the princes of Europe to 
organize a new crusade. Men's minds were indeed, as usual, directed 
towards the East, but in the first years of the fourteenth century the 
idea of a crusade inspired principally the works of theorists who saw 
in it the best means of reforming Christendom. The treatise by Pierre 
Dubois, law-officer of the crown at Coutances, "De Recuperatione Terrae 
Sanctae" (Langlois, ed., Paris, 1891), seems like the work of a 
dreamer, yet some of its views are truly modern. The establishment of 
peace between Christian princes by means of a tribunal of arbitration, 
the idea of making a French prince hereditary emperor, the 
secularization of the Patrimony of St. Peter, the consolidation of the 
Orders of the Hospitallers and Templars, the creation of a disciplined 
army the different corps of which were to have a special uniform, the 
creation of schools for the study of Oriental languages, and the 
intermarriage of Christian maidens with Saracens were the principal 
ideas it propounded (1307). On the other hand the writings of men of 
greater activity and wider experience suggested more practical methods 
for effecting the conquest of the East. Persuaded that Christian defeat 
in the Orient was largely due to the mercantile relations which the 
Italian cities Venice and Genoa continued to hold with the Mohammedans, 
these authors sought the establishment of a commercial blockade which, 
within a few years, would prove the ruin of Egypt and cause it to fall 
under Christian control. For this purpose it was recommended that a 
large fleet be fitted out at the expense of Christian princes and made 
to do police duty on the Mediterranean so as to prevent smuggling. 
These were the projects set forth in the memoirs of Fidentius of Padua, 
a Franciscan (about 1291, Bibliothèque Nationale, Latin MSS., 7247); in 
those of King Charles II of Naples (1293, Bib. Nat., Frankish MSS., 
6049); Jacques de Molay (1307, Baluze, ed., Vitæ paparum Avenion., II, 
176-185); Henry II, King of Cyprus (Mas-Latrie, ed., Histoire de 
Chypre, II, 118); Guillaume d'Adam, Archbishop of Sultanieh (1310, 
Kohler, ed., Collect. Hist. of the Crusades, Armenian Documents, II); 
and Marino Sanudo, the Venetian (Bongars, ed., Secreta fidelium Crucis, 
II). The consolidation of the military orders was also urged by Charles 
II. Many other memoirs, especially that of Hayton, King of Armenia 
(1307, ed. Armenian Documents, I), considered an alliance between the 
Christians and the Mongols of Persia indispensable to success. In fact, 
from the end of the thirteenth century many missionaries had penetrated 
into the Mongolian Empire; in Persia, as well as in China, their 
propaganda flourished. St. Francis of Assisi, and Raymond Lully had 
hoped to substitute for the warlike crusade a peaceable conversion of 
the Mohammedans to Christianity. Raymond Lully, born at Palma, on the 
Island of Majorca, in 1235, began (1275) his "Great Art", which, by 
means of a universal method for the study of Oriental languages, would 
equip missionaries to enter into controversies with the Mohammedan 
doctors. In the same year he prevailed upon the King of Majorca to 
found the College of the Blessed Trinity at Miramar, where the Friars 
Minor could learn the Oriental languages. He himself translated 
catechetical treatises into Arabic and, after spending his life 
traveling in Europe trying to win over to his ideas popes and kings, 
suffered martyrdom at Bougie, where he had begun his work of 
evangelization (1314). Among the Mohammedans this propaganda 
encountered insurmountable difficulties, whereas the Mongols, some of 
whom were still members of the Nestorian Church, received it willingly. 
During the pontificate of John XXII (1316-34) permanent Dominican and 
Franciscan missions were established in Persia, China, Tatary and 
Turkestan, and in 1318 the Archbishopric of Sultanieh was created in 
Persia. In China Giovanni de Monte Corvino, created Archbishop of 
Cambaluc (Peking), organized the religious hierarchy, founded 
monasteries, and converted to Christianity men of note, possibly the 
great khan himself. The account of the journey of Blessed Orderic de 
Pordenone (Cordier, ed.) across Asia, between 1304 and 1330, shows us 
that Christianity had gained a foothold in Persia, India, Central Asia, 
and Southern China. 
By thus leading up to an alliance between Mongols and Christians 
against the Mohammedans, the crusade had produced the desired effect; 
early in the fourteenth century the future development of Christianity 
in the East seemed assured. Unfortunately, however, the internal 
changes which occurred in the West, the weakening of the political 
influence of the popes, the indifference of temporal princes to what 
did not directly affect their territorial interests rendered unavailing 
all efforts towards the re-establishment of Christian power in the 
East. The popes endeavoured to insure the blockade of Egypt by 
prohibiting commercial intercourse with the infidels and by organizing 
a squadron for the prevention of smuggling, but the Venetians and 
Genoese defiantly sent their vessels to Alexandria and sold slaves and 
military stores to the Mamelukes. Moreover, the consolidation of the 
military orders could not be effected. By causing the suppression of 
the Templars at the Council of Vienne in 1311, King Philip the Fair 
dealt a cruel blow to the crusade; instead of giving to the 
Hospitallers the immense wealth of the Templars, he confiscated it. The 
Teutonic Order having established itself in Prussia in 1228, there 
remained in the East only the Hospitallers. After the capture of Saint-
Jean d'acre, Henry II, King of Cyprus, had offered them shelter at 
Limasol, but there they found themselves in very straitened 
circumstances. In 1310 they seized the Island of Rhodes, which had 
become a den of pirates, and took it as their permanent abode. Finally, 
the contemplated alliance with the Mongols was never fully realized. It 
was in vain that Argoun, Khan of Persia, sent the Nestorian monk, Raban 
Sauma, as ambassador to the pope and the princes of the West (1285-88); 
his offers elicited but vague replies. On 23 December, 1299, Cazan, 
successor to Argoun, inflicted a defeat upon the Christians at Hims, 
and captured Damascus, but he could not hold his conquests, and died in 
1304 just as he was preparing for a new expedition. The princes of the 
West assumed the cross in order to appropriate to their own use the 
tithes which, for the defrayal of crusade expenses, they had levied 
upon the property of the clergy. For these sovereigns the crusade had 
no longer any but a fiscal interest. In 1336 King Philip VI of France, 
whom the pope had appointed leader of the crusade, collected a fleet at 
Marseilles and was preparing to go to the East when the news of the 
projects of Edward III caused him to return to Paris. War then broke 
out between France and England, and proved an insurmountable obstacle 
to the success of any crusade just when the combined forces of all 
Christendom would have been none too powerful to resist the new storm 
gathering in the East. From the close of the thirteenth century a band 
of Ottoman Turks, driven out of Central Asia by Mongol invasions, had 
founded a military state in Asia Minor and now threatened to invade 
Europe. They captured Ephesus in 1308, and in 1326 Othman, their 
sultan, established his residence at Broussa (Prusa) in Bithynia under 
Ourkhan, moreover, they organized the regular foot-guards of janizaries 
against whom the undisciplined troops of Western knights could not hold 
out. The Turks entered Nicomedia in 1328 and Nicæa in 1330; when they 
threatened the Emperors of Constantinople, the latter renewed 
negotiations with the popes with a view towards the reconciliation of 
the Greek and Roman Churches, for which purpose Barlaam was sent as 
ambassador to Avignon, in 1339. At the same time the Egyptian Mamelukes 
destroyed the port of Lajazzo, commercial centre of the Kingdom of 
Armenia Minor, where the remnants of the Christian colonies had sought 
refuge after the taking of Saint-Jean d'Acre (1337). The commercial 
welfare of the Venetians themselves was threatened; with their support 
Pope Clement VI in 1344 succeeded in reorganizing the maritime league 
whose operations had been prevented by the war between France and 
England. Genoa, the Hospitallers, and the King of Cyprus all sent their 
contingents, and, on 28 October, 1344, the crusaders seized Smyrna, 
which was confided to the care of the Hospitallers. In 1345 
reinforcements under Humbert, Dauphin of Viennois, appeared in the 
Archipelago, but the new leader of the crusade was utterly disqualified 
for the work assigned him; unable to withstand the piracy of the 
Turkish ameers, the Christians concluded a truce with them in 1348. In 
1356 the Ottomans captured Gallipoli and intercepted the route to 
Constantinople. 
The cause of the crusade then found an unexpected defender in Peter I, 
King of Cyprus, who, called upon by the Armenians, succeeded in 
surprising and storming the city of Adalia on the Cilician coast in 
1361. Urged by his chancellor, Philip de Méziéres, and Pierre Thomas, 
the papal legate, Peter I undertook a voyage to the West (1362-65) in 
the hope of reviving the enthusiasm of the Christian princes. Pope 
Urban V extended him a magnificent welcome, as did also John the Good, 
King of France, who took the cross at Avignon, 20 March, 1363; the 
latter's example was followed by King Edward III, the Black Prince, 
Emperor Charles IV, and Casimir, King of Poland. Everywhere King Peter 
was tendered fair promises, but when, in June, 1365, he embarked at 
Venice he was accompanied by hardly any but his own forces. After 
rallying the fleet of the Hospitallers, he appeared unexpectedly before 
the Old Port of Alexandria, landed without resistance, and plundered 
the city for two days, but at the approach of an Egyptian army his 
soldiers forced him to retreat, 9-16 October, 1365. Again in 1367 he 
pillaged the ports of Syria, Tripoli, Tortosa, Laodicea, and Jaffa, 
thus destroying the commerce of Egypt. Later, in another voyage to the 
West, he made a supreme effort to interest the princes in the crusade, 
but on his return to Cyprus he was assassinated, as the result of a 
conspiracy. Meanwhile the Ottomans continued their progress in Europe, 
taking Philippopolis in 1363 and, in 1365, capturing Adrianople, which 
became the capital of the sultans. At the solicitation of Pope Urban V, 
Amadeus VII, Count of Savoy, took the cross and on 15 August, 1366, his 
fleet seized Gallipoli; then, after rescuing the Greek emperor, John V, 
held captive by the Bulgarians, he returned to the West. In spite of 
the heroism displayed during these expeditions, the efforts made by the 
crusaders were too intermittent to be productive of enduring results. 
Philippe de Méziéres, a friend and admirer of Pierre de Lusignan, eager 
to seek a remedy for the ills of Christendom, dreamed of founding a new 
militia, the Order of the Passion, an organization whose character was 
to be at once clerical and military, and whose members, although 
married, were to lead an almost monastic life and consecrate themselves 
to the conquest of the Holy Land. Being well received by Charles V, 
Philippe de Méziéres established himself at Paris and propagated his 
ideas among the French nobility. In 1390 Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, 
took the cross, and at the instigation of the Genoese went to besiege 
el-Mahadia, an African city on the coast of Tunis. In 1392 Charles VI, 
who had signed a treaty of peace with England, appeared to have been 
won over to the crusade project just before he became deranged. But the 
time for expeditions to the Holy Land was now passed, and henceforth 
Christian Europe was forced to defend itself against Ottoman invasions. 
In 1369 John V, Palæologus, went to Rome and abjured the schism; 
thereafter the popes worked valiantly for the preservation of the 
remnants of the Byzantine Empire and the Christian states in the 
Balkans. Having become master of Servia at the battle of Kosovo in 
1389, the Sultan Bajazet imposed his sovereignty upon John V and 
secured possession of Philadelphia, the last Greek city in Asia Minor. 
Sigismund, King of Hungary, alarmed at the progress of the Turks, sent 
an embassy to Charles VI, and a large number of French lords, among 
them the Count of Nevers, son of the Duke of Burgundy, enlisted under 
the standard of the cross and, in July 1396, were joined at Buda by 
English and German knights. The crusaders invaded Servia, but despite 
their prodigies of valeur Bajazet completely routed them before 
Nicopolis, 25 September, 1396. The Count of Nevers and a great many 
lords became Bajazet's prisoners and were released only on condition of 
enormous ransoms. Notwithstanding this defeat, due to the misguided 
ardour of the crusaders, a new expedition left Aiguesmortes in June, 
1399, under the command of the Marshal Boucicault and succeeded in 
breaking the blockade which the Turks had established around 
Constantinople. Moreover, between 1400 and 1402, John Palaeologus made 
another voyage to the West in quest of reinforcements. 
IX. THE CRUSADE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY
An unlooked-for event, the invasion by Timur and the Mongols, saved 
Constantinople for the time being. They annihilated Bajazet's army at 
Ancyra, 20 July, 1402, and, dividing the Ottoman Empire among several 
princes, reduced it to a state of vassalage. The Western rulers, Henry 
III, King of Castile, and Charles VI, King of France, sent ambassadors 
to Timur (see the account by Ruy Gonçales de Clavijo, Madrid, 1779), 
but the circumstances were not favourable, as they had been in the 
thirteenth century. The national revolt of the Chinese that overthrew 
the Mongol dynasty in 1368 had resulted in the destruction of the 
Christian missions in Farther Asia; in Central Asia the Mongols had 
been converted to Mohammedanism, and Timur showed his hostility to the 
Christians by taking Smyrna from the Hospitallers. Marshal Boucicault 
took advantage of the dejection into which the Mongol invasion had 
thrown the Mohammedan powers to sack the ports of Syria, Tripoli, 
Beirut, and Sidon in 1403, but he was unable to retain his conquests; 
while Timur, on the other hand, thought only of obtaining possession of 
China and returned to Samarkand, where he died in 1405. The civil wars 
that broke out among the Ottoman princes gave the Byzantine emperors a 
few years' respite, but Murad II, having re-established the Turkish 
power, besieged Constantinople from June to September in 1422, and John 
VIII, Palæologus, was compelled to pay him tribute. In 1430 Murad took 
Thessalonica from the Venetians, forced the wall of the Hexamilion, 
which had been erected by Manuel to protect the Peloponnesus, and 
subdued Servia. The idea of the crusade was always popular in the West,
and, on his death-bed, Henry V of England regretted that he had not 
taken Jerusalem. In her letters to Bedford, the regent, and to the Duke 
of Burgundy, Joan of Arc alluded to the union of Christendom against 
the Saracens, and the popular belief expressed in the poetry of 
Christine de Pisan was that, after having delivered France, the Maid of 
Orleans would lead Charles VII to the Holy Land. But this was only a 
dream, and the civil wars in France, the crusade against the Hussites, 
and the Council of Constance, prevented any action from being taken 
against the Turks. However, in 1421 Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, 
sent Gilbert de Lannoy, and in 1432, Bertrand de la Brocquière, to the 
East as secret emissaries to gather information that might be of value 
for a future crusade. At the same time negotiations for the religious 
union which would facilitate the crusade were resumed between the 
Byzantine emperors and the popes. Emperor John VIII came in person to 
attend the council convoked by Pope Eugene IV at Ferrara, in 1438. 
Thanks to the good will of Bessarion and of Isidore of Kiev, the two 
Greek prelates whom the pope had elevated to the cardinalate, the 
council, which was transferred to Florence, established harmony on all 
points, and on 6 July, 1439, the reconciliation was solemnly 
proclaimed. The reunion was received in bad part by the Greeks and did 
not induce the Western princes to take the cross. Adventurers of all 
nationalities enrolled themselves under the command of Cardinal 
Giuliano Cesarini and went to Hungary to join the armies of János 
Hunyady, Waywode of Transylvania, who had just repulsed the Turks at 
Hermanstadt, of Wladislaus Jagello, King of Poland, and of George 
Brankovitch, Prince of Servia. Having defeated the Turks at Nish, 3 
November, 1443, the allies were enabled to conquer Servia, owing to the 
defection of the Albanians under George Castriota (Scanderbeg), their 
national commander. Murad signed a ten years' truce and abdicated the 
throne, 15 July, 1444, but Giuliano Cesarini, the papal legate, did not 
favour peace and wished to push forward to Constantinople. At his 
instigation the crusaders broke the truce and invaded Bulgaria, 
whereupon Murad again took command, crossed the Bosporus on Genoese 
galleys, and destroyed the Christian army at Varna, 10 November, 1444. 
This defeat left Constantinople defenseless. In 1446 Murad succeeded in 
conquering Morea, and then, two years later, János Hunyady tried to go 
to the assistance of Constantinople he was beaten at Kosovo. Scanderbeg 
alone managed to maintain his independence in Epirus and, in 1449, 
repelled a Turkish invasion. Mohammed II, who succeeded Murad in 1451, 
was preparing to besiege Constantinople when, 12 December, 1452, 
Emperor Constantine XII decided to proclaim the union of the Churches 
in the presence of the papal legates. The expected crusade, however, 
did not take place; and when, in March, 1453, the armed forces of 
Mohammed II, numbering 160,000, completely surrounded Constantinople, 
the Greeks had only 5000 soldiers and 2000 Western knights, commanded 
by Giustiniani of Genoa. Notwithstanding this serious disadvantage, the 
city held out against the enemy for two months, but on the night of 28 
May, 1453, Mohammed II ordered a general assault, and after a desperate 
conflict, in which Emperor Constantine XII perished, the Turks entered 
the city from all sides and perpetrated a frightful slaughter. Mohammed 
II rode over heaps of corpses to the church of St. Sophia, entered it 
on horseback, and turned it into a mosque. 
The capture of "New Rome" was the most appalling calamity sustained by 
Christendom since the taking of Saint-Jean d'Acre. However, the 
agitation which the news of this event caused in Europe was more 
apparent than genuine. Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, gave an 
allegorical entertainment at Lille in which Holy Church solicited the 
help of knights who pronounced the most extravagant vows before God and 
a pheasant (sur le faisan). Æneas Sylvius, Bishop of Sienna, and St. 
John Capistran, the Franciscan, preached the crusade in Germany and 
Hungary; the Diets of Ratisbon and Frankfort promised assistance, and a 
league was formed between Venice, Florence, and the Duke of Milan, but 
nothing came of it. Pope Callistus III succeeded in collecting a fleet 
of sixteen galleys, which, under the command of the Patriarch of 
Aquileia, guarded the Archipelago. However, the defeat of the Turks 
before Belgrade in 1457, due to the bravery of János Hunyady, and the 
bloody conquest of the Peloponnesus in 1460 seemed finally to revive 
Christendom from its torpor. Æneas Sylvius, now pope under the name of 
Pius II, multiplied his exhortations, declaring that he himself would 
conduct the crusade, and towards the close of 1463 bands of crusaders 
began to assemble at Ancona. The Doge of Venice had yielded to the 
pope's entreaties, whereas the Duke of Burgundy was satisfied with 
sending 2000 men. But when, in June, 1464, the pope went to Ancona to 
assume command of the expedition, he fell sick and died, whereupon most 
of the crusaders, being unarmed, destitute of ammunition, and 
threatened with starvation, returned to their own countries. The 
Venetians were the only ones who invaded the Peloponnesus and sacked 
Athens, but they looked upon the crusade merely as a means of advancing 
their commercial interests. Under Sixtus IV they had the presumption to 
utilize the papal fleet for the seizure of merchandise stored at Smyrna 
and Adalia; they likewise purchased the claims of Catherine Cornaro to 
the Kingdom of Cyprus. Finally, in 1480, Mohammed II directed a triple 
attack against Europe. In Hungary Matthias Corvinus withstood the 
Turkish invasion, and the Knights of Rhodes, conducted by Pierre 
d'Aubusson, defended themselves victoriously, but the Turks succeeded 
in gaining possession of Otranto and threatened Italy with conquest. At 
an assembly held at Rome and presided over by Sixtus IV, ambassadors 
from the Christian princes again promised help; but the condition of 
Christendom would have been critical indeed had not the death of 
Mohammed II occasioned the evacuation of Otranto, while the power of 
the Turks was impaired for several years by civil wars among Mohammed's 
sons. At the time of Charles VIII's expedition into Italy (1492) there 
was again talk of a crusade; according to the plans of the King of 
France, the conquest of Naples was to be followed by that of 
Constantinople and the East. For this reason Pope Alexander VI 
delivered to him Prince Djem, son of Mahommed II and pretender to the 
throne, who had taken refuge with the Hospitallers. When Alexander VI 
joined Venice and Maximilian in a league against Charles VIII, the 
official object of the alliance was the crusade, but it had become 
impossible to take such projects as seriously meant. The leagues for 
the crusade were no longer anything but political combinations, and the 
preaching of the Holy War seemed to the people nothing but a means of 
raising money. Before his death, Emperor Maximilian took the cross at 
Metz with due solemnity, but these demonstrations could lead to no 
satisfactory results. The new conditions that now controlled 
Christendom rendered a crusade impossible. 
X. MODIFICATIONS AND SURVIVAL OF THE IDEA OF THE CRUSADE
From the sixteenth century European policy was swayed exclusively by 
state interests; hence to statesmen the idea of a crusade seemed 
antiquated. Egypt and Jerusalem having been conquered by Sultan Selim, 
in 1517, Pope Leo X made a supreme effort to re-establish the peace 
essential to the organization of a crusade. The King of France and 
Emperor Charles V promised their co-operation; the King of Portugal was 
to besiege Constantinople with 300 ships, and the pope himself was to 
conduct the expedition. Just at this time trouble broke out between 
Francis I and Charles V; these plans therefore failed completely. The 
leaders of the Reformation were unfavourable to the crusade, and Luther 
declared that it was a sin to make war upon the Turks because God had 
made them His instruments in punishing the sins of His people. 
Therefore, although the idea of the crusade was not wholly lost sight 
of, it took a new form and adapted itself to the new conditions. The 
Conquistadores, who ever since the fifteenth century had been going 
forth to discover new lands, considered themselves the auxiliaries of 
the crusade. The Infante Don Henrique, Vasco da Gama, Christopher 
Columbus, and Albuquerque wore the cross on their breast and, when 
seeking the means of doubling Africa or of reaching Asia by routes from 
the East, thought of attacking the Mohammedans in the rear; besides, 
they calculated on the alliance of a fabulous sovereign said to be a 
Christian, Prester John. The popes, moreover, strongly encouraged these 
expeditions. On the other hand, among the Powers of Europe the House of 
Austria, which was mistress of Hungary, where it was directly 
threatened by the Turks, and which had supreme control of the 
Mediterranean, realized that it would be to its advantage to maintain a 
certain interest in the crusade. Until the end of the seventeenth 
century, when a diet of the German princes was held at Ratisbon, the 
question of war against the Turks was frequently agitated, and Luther 
himself, modifying his first opinion, exhorted the German nobility to 
defend Christendom (1528-29). The war in Hungary always partook of the 
character of a crusade and, on different occasions, the French nobles 
enlisted under the imperial banner. Thus the Duke of Mercœur was 
authorized by Henry IV to enter the Hungarian service. In 1664 Louis 
XIV, eager to extend his influence in Europe, sent the emperor a 
contingent which, under the command of the Count of Coligny, repulsed 
the Turks in the battle of St. Gothard. But such demonstrations were of 
no importance because, from the time of Francis I, the kings of France, 
to maintain the balance of power in Europe against the House of 
Austria, had not hesitated to enter into treaties of alliance with the 
Turks. When, in 1683, Kara Mustapha advanced on Vienna with 30,000 
Turks or Tatars, Louis XIV made no move, and it was to John Sobieski, 
King of Poland, that the emperor owed his safety. This was the supreme 
effort made by the Turks in the West. Overwhelmed by the victories of 
Prince Eugene at the close of the seventeenth century, they became 
thenceforth a passive power. 
On the Mediterranean, Genoa and Venice beheld their commercial monopoly 
destroyed in the sixteenth century by the discovery of new continents 
and of new water-routes to the Indies, while their political power was 
absorbed by the House of Austria. Without allowing the crusaders to 
deter them from their continental enterprises, the Hapsburgs dreamed of 
gaining control of the Mediterranean by checking the Barbery pirates 
and arresting the progress of the Turks. When, in 1571, the Island of 
Cyprus was threatened by the Ottomans, who cruelly massacred the 
garrisons of Famagusta and Nicosia, these towns having surrendered on 
stipulated terms, Pope Plus V succeeded in forming a league of maritime 
powers against Sultan Selim, and secured the co-operation of Philip II 
by granting him the right to tithes for the crusade, while he himself 
equipped some galleys. On 7 October, 1571, a Christian fleet of 200 
galleys, carrying 50,000 men under the command of Don Juan of Austria, 
met the Ottoman fleet in the Straits of Lepanto, destroyed it 
completely, and liberated thousands of Christians. This expedition was 
in the nature of a crusade. The pope, considering that the victory had 
saved Christendom, by way of commemorating it instituted the feast of 
the Holy Rosary, which is celebrated on the first Sunday of October. 
But the allies pushed their advantages no further. When, in the 
seventeenth century, France superseded Spain as the great Mediterranean 
power, she strove, despite the treaties that bound her to the Turks, to 
defend the last remnants of Christian power in the East. In 1669 Louis 
XIV sent the Duke of Beaufort with a fleet of 7000 men to the defence 
of Candia, a Venetian province, but, notwithstanding some brilliant 
sallies, he succeeded in putting off its capture for a few weeks only. 
However, the diplomatic action of the kings of France in regard to 
Eastern Christians who were Turkish subjects was more efficacious. The 
regime of "Capitulations", established under Francis I in 1536, renewed 
under Louis XIV in 1673, and Louis XV in 1740, ensured Catholics 
religious freedom and the jurisdiction of the French ambassador at 
Constantinople; all Western pilgrims were allowed access to Jerusalem 
and to the Holy Sepulchre, which was confided to the care of the Friars 
Minor. Such was the modus vivendi finally established between 
Christendom and the Mohammedan world. 
Notwithstanding these changes it may be said that, until the 
seventeenth century, the imagination of Western Christendom was still 
haunted by the idea of the Crusades. Even the least chimerical of 
statesmen, such as Père Joseph de Tremblay, the confidential friend of 
Richelieu, at times cherished such hopes, while the plan set forth in 
the memorial which Leibniz addressed (1672) to Louis XIV on the 
conquest of Egypt was that of a regular crusade. Lastly, there remained 
as the respectable relic of a glorious past the Order of the Knights of 
St. John of Jerusalem, which was founded in the eleventh century and 
continued to exist until the French Revolution. Despite the valiant 
efforts of their grand master, Villiers de l'Isle Adam, the Turks had 
driven them from Rhodes in 1522, and they had taken refuge in Italy. In 
1530 Charles V presented them with the Isle of Malta, admirably 
situated from a strategic point of view, whence they might exercise 
surveillance over the Mediterranean. They were obliged to promise to 
give up Malta on the recovery of Rhodes, and also to make war upon the 
Barbary pirates. In 1565 the Knights of Malta withstood a furious 
attack by the Turks. They also maintained a squadron able to put to 
flight the Barbary pirates. Recruited from among the younger sons of 
the noblest families of Europe, they owned immense estates in France as 
well as in Italy, and when the French Revolution broke out, the order 
quickly lost ground. The property it held in France was confiscated in 
1790, and when, in 1798, the Directory undertook an expedition to 
Egypt, Bonaparte, in passing, seized the Isle of Malta, whose knights 
had themselves under the protection of the Czar, Paul I. The city of 
Valetta surrendered at the first summons, and the order disbanded; 
however, in 1826 it was reorganized in Rome as a charitable 
association. 
The history of the Crusades is therefore intimately connected with that 
of the popes and the Church. These Holy Wars were essentially a papal 
enterprise. The idea of quelling all dissension among Christians, of 
uniting them under the same standard and sending them forth against the 
Mohammedans, was conceived in the eleventh century, that is to say, at 
a time when there were as yet no organized states in Europe, and when 
the pope was the only potentate in a position to know and understand 
the common interests of Christendom. At this time the Turks threatened 
to invade Europe, and the Byzantine Empire seemed unable to withstand 
the enemies by whom it was surrounded. Urban II then took advantage of 
the veneration in which the holy places were held by the Christians of 
the West and entreated the latter to direct their combined forces 
against the Mohammedans and, by a bold attack, check their progress. 
The result of this effort was the establishment of the Christian states 
in Syria. While the authority of the popes remained undisputed in 
Europe, they were in a position to furnish these Christian colonies the 
help they required; but when this authority was shaken by dissension 
between the priesthood and the empire, the crusading army lost the 
unity of command so essential to success. The maritime powers of Italy, 
whose assistance was indispensable to the Christian armies, thought 
only of using the Crusades for political and economic ends. Other 
princes, first the Hohenstaufen and afterwards Charles of Anjou, 
followed this precedent, the crusade of 1204 being the first open 
rebellion against the pontifical will. Finally, when, at the close of 
the Middle Ages, all idea of the Christian monarchy had been 
definitively cast aside, when state policy was the sole influence that 
actuated the Powers of Europe, the crusade seemed a respectable but 
troublesome survival. In the fifteenth century Europe permitted the 
Turks to seize Constantinople, and princes were far less concerned 
about their departure for the East than about finding a way out of the 
fulfillment of their vow as crusaders without losing the good opinion 
of the public. Thereafter all attempts at a crusade partook of the 
nature of political schemes. Notwithstanding their final overthrow, the 
Crusades hold a very important place in the history of the world. 
Essentially the work of the popes, these Holy Wars first of all helped 
to strengthen pontifical authority; they afforded the popes an 
opportunity to interfere in the wars between Christian princes, while 
the temporal and spiritual privileges which they conferred upon 
crusaders virtually made the latter their subjects. At the same time 
this was the principal reason why so many civil rulers refused to join 
the Crusades. It must be said that the advantages thus acquired by the 
popes were for the common safety of Christendom. From the outset the 
Crusades were defensive wars and checked the advance of the Mohammedans 
who, for two centuries, concentrated their forces in a struggle against 
the Christian settlements in Syria; hence Europe is largely indebted to 
the Crusades for the maintenance of its independence. Besides, the 
Crusades brought about results of which the popes had never dreamed, 
and which were perhaps the most, important of all. They re-established 
traffic between the East and West, which, after having been suspended 
for several centuries, was then resumed with even greater energy; they 
were the means of bringing from the depths of their respective 
provinces and introducing into the most civilized Asiatic countries 
Western knights, to whom a new world was thus revealed, and who 
returned to their native land filled with novel ideas; they were 
instrumental in extending the commerce of the Indies, of which the 
Italian cities long held the monopoly, and the products of which 
transformed the material life of the West. Moreover, as early as the 
end of the twelfth century, the development of general culture in the 
West was the direct result of these Holy Wars. Finally, it is with the 
Crusades that we must couple the origin of the geographical 
explorations made by Marco Polo and Orderic of Pordenone, the Italians 
who brought to Europe the knowledge of continental Asia and China. At a 
still later date, it was the spirit of the true crusader that animated 
Christopher Columbus when he undertook his perilous voyage to the then 
unknown America, and Vasco de Gama when he set out in quest of India. 
If, indeed, the Christian civilization of Europe has become universal 
culture, in the highest sense, the glory redounds, in no small measure, 
to the Crusades. 
KUGLER, Gesch. der Kreuzzüge in Collect. Oncken (1880); RÖHRICHT, 
Gesch. der Kreuzzüge im Umriss (Innsbruck, 1898); BREHIER, L'Eglise et 
l'Orient au moyen-âge. Les croisades (Paris. 1907); PRUTZ, Kulturgesch. 
der Kreuzzüge (Berlin, 1883); REY, Essai sur la domination française en 
Syrie pendant le moyen-âge (Paris, 1866); CONDER, The Latin Kingdom of 
Jerusalem (London, 1897); RÖHRICHT, Gesch. der Königreichs Jerusalem 
(Innsbruck 1898); MAS-LATRlE, Hist. de l'île de Chypre (Paris, 1852-
61); DELAVILLE-LE-ROUX, Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre 
(Paris, 1904); PRUTZ, Entwickelung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens 
(Berlin, 1888); RIANT, Expéditions et pélérinages des Scandinaves en 
Terre Sainte (Paris, 1865); STEVENSON, The Crusades in the East 
(Cambridge, 1907). 
I. 	POUQUEVILLE, Mémoire sur les établissements français au Levant 
depuis l'an 500 jusqu'a la fin du XVIIe siècle in Mémoires Acad. des 
Inscript., 2d series, X; RIANT, La donation de Hugues marquis de 
Toscane, au Saint Sépulcre et les établissments latins de Jérusalem au 
Xe siècle, ibid. (1884); IDEM, Inventaire des lettres historiques des 
croisades in Archives de l'Orient Latin, I. 
II. 	HAGENMEYER, Chronologie de la première croisade (Paris, 1902); 
SYBEL, Gesch. des ersten Kreuzzüges (Innsbruck, 1901); CHALANDON, Essai 
sur le règne d'Alexis Comnène (Paris, 1900); HAGENMEYER, Peter der 
Eremit (Leipzig, 1879); IDEM, Epistulœ et chartœ ad historiam primi 
belli spectantes (Innsbruck, 1901). 
III. 	NEUMANN, Bernard von Clairvaux und die Anfänge des zweiten 
Kreuzzüges (Heidelberg, 1882); SCHLUMBERGER, Renaud de Châtillon, 
prince d'Antioche (Paris. 1898); IDEM, Campagnes du roi Amaury I de 
Jérusalem en Egypte (Paris, 1906). 
IV. 	FISCHER, Gesch. des Kreuzzüges Kaisers Friedrichs (Leipzig, 
1870); ZIMMERT, Der deutsch-byzantinische Konflikt vom Juli 1189 bis 
Februar 1190 in Byzantinische Zeitschrift (1903); IDEM, Der Friede zu 
Adrianapol, ibid. (1902); STANLEY LANE POLE, Saladin and the Fall of 
the Kingdom of Jerusalem (New York, 1898); STUBBS, The Mediœval 
Kingdoms of Cyprus and Armenia (Oxford, 1887); CARTELLIERI, Philippe II 
August, II, Der Kreuzzug (Leipzig, 1906); LAVISSE, De Hermano Salzensi 
ordinis Teutonici magistro (Paris, 1878); ARCHER, The Crusade of 
Richard I (New York, 1888). 
V. 	HURTER, Hist. du pape Innocent III (Paris, 1867); LUCHAIRE, 
Innocent III. La question d'Orient (Paris, 1907); WINKELMANN, Philippe 
von Schwaben (Leipzig, 1873); HANOTAUX, Les Vénitiens ont-ils trahi la 
chrétienté en 1202 in Revue Hist. (1877); RIANT, Le changement de 
direction de la quatrième croisade in Revue des questions historiques 
(1878); LIGEN, Markgraf Conrad von Montferrat (Marburg, 1881); TESSIER, 
La quatrième croisade (Paris, 1884); NORDEN, Der vierte Kreuzzug in 
Rahmen der Beziehungen des Abendlandes zu Byzanz (Berlin, 1898); 
NORDEN, Das Papsitum und Byzanz (Berlin, 1903); PEARS, The Fall of 
Constantinople (London, 1885); GERLAND, Gesch. der Kaiser Balduin I und 
Heinrich, 1204-1216 (Homburg, 1905); BUCHON, Recherches hist. sur la 
principauté française de Morée (Paris, 1845); RODD, The Princes of 
Achaia and the Chronicles of Morea (London, 1907); RIANT, Exuvioe 
sacroe Constantinopolitanœ (Geneva, 1877); RÖHRICHT, Der Kinder 
Kreuzzug in Historische Zeitschrift (1876). 
VI. 	RÖHRICHT, Studien zur Gesch. des fünften Kreuzzüges (Innsbruck, 
1891); IDEM, Die Kreuzfahrt Friedrich II (Berlin, 1874); BLOCHET, Les 
relations diplomatiques des Hohenstaufen avec les Sultans d'Egypte in 
Revue Hist., XXXI; CAHUN, Introduction a l'hist. de l'Asie; Turcs et 
Mongols (Paris, 1896); GOLUBOVICH, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della 
Terra Santa e dell' Oriente Francescano (Quaracchi, 1906); TILLEMONT, 
Vie de Saint Louis roi de France, ed. SOCIÉTÉ DE L'HISTOIRE DE FRANCE 
(1847-51); BERGER, S. Louis et Innocent IV (Paris, 1893); DELABORDE, 
Jean de Joinville (Paris, 1895). 
VII. 	LECOY DE LA MARCHE, La prédication de la croisade au XIIIe siècle 
in Rev. des quest. hist. (1890); STERNFELD, Ludwigs des Heiligen 
Kreuzzzug nach Tunis (Berlin, 1896); RÖHRICHT, Etude sur les deniers 
temps du royaume de Jérusalem in Archives de l'Orient Latin, I, 619; 
II, 365; IDEM, Die Eroberung Akkas in Forschung zur deutsche Gesch., 
XX. 
VIII.	DELAVILLE-LE-ROUX, La France en Orient au XIVe siècle (Paris, 
1885); BRIDREY, La condition juridique des croisés et le privilège de 
la croix (Paris, 1900); MAGNOCAVALLO, Marino Sanudo (Bergamo, 1901); 
HAURÉAU, Raimond Lulle in Hist. Litt. de la France, XXIX; ANDRÉ, Le 
bienheureux Raimond Lulle (Paris, 1900); KOHLER, Etude sur Guillaume 
d'Adam archevêque de Sultanyeh in Documents Arméniens, II; GAY, Le pape 
Clément VI et les affaires d'Orient (1342-1352) (Paris, 1904); JORGA, 
Philippe de Mézièves et la croisade au XIVe siècle (Paris, 1896); IDEM, 
Latins et Grecs d'Orient in Byzantin. Zeit., XV; PARRAUD, Vie de S. 
Pierre Thomas (Angers, 1895); JARRY, Le retour de la croisade de 
Barbarie (Biblioth. Ecole des Chartes, 1893). 
IX. 	DE SACY, Mémoire sur une correspondance inédite de Tamerlan avec 
Charles VI in Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, VI-VII; BERGER 
DE XIVREY, La vie et les ouvrages de l'empereur Manuel Paléologue, 
ibid., XIX; VAST, Le cardinal Bessarion (Paris, 1878); PEARS, The 
Destruction of the Greek Empire (London, 1903); VLASTO, Les derniers 
jours de Constantinople (Paris, 1883); SCHEFER, Le discours du voyage 
d'Outremer in Rev. de l'Orient Latin, III; JORGA, Notices et extraits 
pour servir a l'hist. des croisades au XVe siècle (Paris, 1902). 
Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter

From the Catholic Encyclopedia 
Copyright © 1913 by the Encyclopedia Press, Inc. 

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